charging 29-year-old Kurt Schels and 42-year-old Ronald Sellers with distributing more than 500 grams of cocaine. The two were arrested this week in Oconto County.
A conviction carries a maximum penalty of 40 years in jail and a $2,000,000 fine.
The state Department of Justice, State Patrol and eight other law enforcement agencies participated in the investigation.
Thursday, 18 September 2008
Kurt Schels and 42-year-old Ronald Sellers charged with distributing more than 500 grams of cocaine.
US teenagers have been charged with importing $70,000 worth of cocaine into Australia.
TWO US teenagers have been charged with importing $70,000 worth of cocaine into Australia.Customs officers at Sydney airport stopped the 19-year-old US nationals after they arrived on a flight from Los Angeles yesterday.During a search, officers allegedly discovered two packages of cocaine concealed in the clothing of one of the men, Customs said in a statement.Two similar packages were allegedly recovered from the second man.Both men were referred to the Australian Federal Police and subsequently charged with carrying approximately 100g of the drug.
One of the men appeared in Sydney Central Local Court yesterday afternoon and is due to reappear on October 29.The second man will appear this morning.Police say further testing will determine the exact weight and purity of the cocaine.
Saturday, 13 September 2008
Scotland the new EU hideout for serious criminals
Extraditions from Scotland to EU nations have increased 10-fold since 2003, soaring from just six cases to 60 already this year.Prosecutors have revealed a massive increase in the number of serious criminals from EU nations extradited from Scotland after trying to escape justice in their homeland.Fugitives wanted in their home countries for offences ranging from embezzlement and theft to rape have targeted Scotland, attracted by existing immigrant communities as well as the remote geography.Almost half of the extraditions are to eastern European states admitted after EU expansion in 2004, and Poles make up approximately a third of the total.
David Dickson, the deputy head of the Crown Office department responsible for extraditions, said: "We have been averaging at two or three a week this summer. About 30% of them are for people from Poland."Based on population, Scotland is attracting more fleeing EU criminals than England. Scotland accounts for 9% of the UK population but gets 15% of the UK's extradition requests.Dickson said: "Perhaps people think that somewhere like Scotland they have the chance to escape the long arm of the law. Well, they're wrong."The case of Polish migrant worker Robert Labutin is typical. For two years he hid in Edinburgh with a job, girlfriend, baby, council house, bank loan and a sick mother to look after. But the 30-year-old was also a fugitive and should have been serving a two-year sentence in his native Poland for drug-dealing.He was also wanted in his home town of Koszalin, in the country's north-west, on an allegation that, along with another party, he used threats to force a child to have sex. If found guilty, he will face up to 15 years in jail.Labutin, who lived in Bo'ness, was last month ordered to be extradited to Poland. He had, Edinburgh Sheriff Court heard last month, been "unlawfully at large" in the country.In another case, 38-year-old Czech Michal Trajer was extradited in March. He was due to serve four and a half years for rape and embezzlement in Prostejov, in the east of the country, but fled to Scotland. They were caught thanks to the new European arrest warrants, which are used by authorities across the continent to hunt down fugitives.Scottish authorities are increasingly plugged into international crime-fighting bodies. The Crown Office, for example, has a lawyer in Madrid and another at EuroJust, an international network of magistrates and prosecutors based in The Hague that helped more than 1,000 cross-border investigations last year.Like Labutin, many fugitives simply fail to do enough to hide their identities. Labutin even rented his council house in his own name.
Perhaps the biggest name caught under a European arrest warrant so far is Antonio La Torre. A major figure in the Camorra, the Neapolitan answer to the Sicilian Mafia, La Torre was extradited from Aberdeen in 2005.Bill Aitken, the Tory justice spokesman and a former justice of the peace, yesterday said: "Scotland must ensure it's playing its part in enforcing these warrants, which are a very good thing. Otherwise the word could get out we are a soft touch."
Piotr Leszczynski, Poland's vice-consul in Edinburgh, stressed his fellow countrymen rarely posed a problem for the police in Scotland."There are currently around 40 people imprisoned in Scotland," he said. "Just 12 of them have been sentenced. Whenever we meet the police, they stress they don't have any particular issues with our nationals."Leszczynski, however, admitted there was some frustration with "complications" finding fugitive nationals in the UK, mostly because, unlike in Poland, there is no national database of residents.Polish authorities last year sought more than 250 fugitives in England and Wales alone. As many as one in 20 of them had been in trouble in the UK before they were caught. At one point there were so many people awaiting to be extradited that the Polish government sent a charter plane to pick them up.
David Dickson, the deputy head of the Crown Office department responsible for extraditions, said: "We have been averaging at two or three a week this summer. About 30% of them are for people from Poland."Based on population, Scotland is attracting more fleeing EU criminals than England. Scotland accounts for 9% of the UK population but gets 15% of the UK's extradition requests.Dickson said: "Perhaps people think that somewhere like Scotland they have the chance to escape the long arm of the law. Well, they're wrong."The case of Polish migrant worker Robert Labutin is typical. For two years he hid in Edinburgh with a job, girlfriend, baby, council house, bank loan and a sick mother to look after. But the 30-year-old was also a fugitive and should have been serving a two-year sentence in his native Poland for drug-dealing.He was also wanted in his home town of Koszalin, in the country's north-west, on an allegation that, along with another party, he used threats to force a child to have sex. If found guilty, he will face up to 15 years in jail.Labutin, who lived in Bo'ness, was last month ordered to be extradited to Poland. He had, Edinburgh Sheriff Court heard last month, been "unlawfully at large" in the country.In another case, 38-year-old Czech Michal Trajer was extradited in March. He was due to serve four and a half years for rape and embezzlement in Prostejov, in the east of the country, but fled to Scotland. They were caught thanks to the new European arrest warrants, which are used by authorities across the continent to hunt down fugitives.Scottish authorities are increasingly plugged into international crime-fighting bodies. The Crown Office, for example, has a lawyer in Madrid and another at EuroJust, an international network of magistrates and prosecutors based in The Hague that helped more than 1,000 cross-border investigations last year.Like Labutin, many fugitives simply fail to do enough to hide their identities. Labutin even rented his council house in his own name.
Perhaps the biggest name caught under a European arrest warrant so far is Antonio La Torre. A major figure in the Camorra, the Neapolitan answer to the Sicilian Mafia, La Torre was extradited from Aberdeen in 2005.Bill Aitken, the Tory justice spokesman and a former justice of the peace, yesterday said: "Scotland must ensure it's playing its part in enforcing these warrants, which are a very good thing. Otherwise the word could get out we are a soft touch."
Piotr Leszczynski, Poland's vice-consul in Edinburgh, stressed his fellow countrymen rarely posed a problem for the police in Scotland."There are currently around 40 people imprisoned in Scotland," he said. "Just 12 of them have been sentenced. Whenever we meet the police, they stress they don't have any particular issues with our nationals."Leszczynski, however, admitted there was some frustration with "complications" finding fugitive nationals in the UK, mostly because, unlike in Poland, there is no national database of residents.Polish authorities last year sought more than 250 fugitives in England and Wales alone. As many as one in 20 of them had been in trouble in the UK before they were caught. At one point there were so many people awaiting to be extradited that the Polish government sent a charter plane to pick them up.
Posted by
Silvia
Tuesday, 9 September 2008
Jose Rivera was guarding 100 inmates when he was stabbed to death at a federal prison in California.
Jose Rivera was guarding 100 inmates when he was stabbed to death at a federal prison in California. 1 of 3 Two inmates using a homemade shank are accused of stabbing Rivera to death in June at the United States Penitentiary in Atwater, California. The inmates -- Jose Sablan, 43, and James Guerrero, 40 -- were indicted in August and charged with murder. They have not entered a plea. "It was two against one, you know, and no one helped him," said Rivera's mother, Terry. "I didn't think that it would happen, but it was not safe for him to work there." Rivera was 22 and had been in his job at the 960-plus inmate prison for just 10 months when he died.
He was alone guarding about 100 inmates at the time of the attack and had a radio to call for backup in case of trouble.
He was alone guarding about 100 inmates at the time of the attack and had a radio to call for backup in case of trouble.
Tadmor Military Prison, Syria
Tadmor Military Prison, Syria – This is one of the most brutal prisons ever. Torture, executions and untold brutality goes on within these walls. The medieval methods of torture have been well documented. Innocent and guilty alike have been dragged via a rope until they’re dead, beaten to death with pipes and chopped into pieces with an axe. However, that’s nothing compared to the massacre of June 27, 1980. Approximately 500 inmates were killed for no apparent reason by the guards and commandos. This is the worst known massacre of its kind to ever have taken place
Bristol prison is so crowded that prisoners are having to share single cells, while others don't have an in-cell toilet
Bristol prison is so crowded that prisoners are having to share single cells, while others don't have an in-cell toilet, according to inspectors.
The Victorian jail in Horfield, which first opened in 1883, is certified to hold 476 inmates, but currently has 597 prisoners.It can hold a maximum of 606, if prisoners double up in cells designed to hold just one inmate.
Inspectors found that many inmates were locked in their cells for long periods, sometimes for a 15-hour stretch without being allowed out to 'exercise' or attend education classes.There are no toilets in cells on the prison's B wing.
computerised system allows one prisoner out of his cell for just six minutes at a time - often resulting in a long wait to use the toilet for some inmates.
Modern prisons have a toilet in each cell.Prisoners are also not allowed into the outdoor exercise yard adjacent to Wing B to exercise because the perimeter wall is low enough for contraband to thrown over from outside the jail.
It has been known for drugs to be thrown over the walls of some prisons.
Inspectors also found that the prison gym was too small to be used for basketball, volleyball and other team games.Meanwhile, the prison's black and ethnic minority inmates - which make up a fifth of the prison population - have reported worse treatment than white inmates.
The Victorian jail in Horfield, which first opened in 1883, is certified to hold 476 inmates, but currently has 597 prisoners.It can hold a maximum of 606, if prisoners double up in cells designed to hold just one inmate.
Inspectors found that many inmates were locked in their cells for long periods, sometimes for a 15-hour stretch without being allowed out to 'exercise' or attend education classes.There are no toilets in cells on the prison's B wing.
computerised system allows one prisoner out of his cell for just six minutes at a time - often resulting in a long wait to use the toilet for some inmates.
Modern prisons have a toilet in each cell.Prisoners are also not allowed into the outdoor exercise yard adjacent to Wing B to exercise because the perimeter wall is low enough for contraband to thrown over from outside the jail.
It has been known for drugs to be thrown over the walls of some prisons.
Inspectors also found that the prison gym was too small to be used for basketball, volleyball and other team games.Meanwhile, the prison's black and ethnic minority inmates - which make up a fifth of the prison population - have reported worse treatment than white inmates.
Nine prisoners died in a fire in Cameroon's notoriously overcrowded and rundown New Bell jail
Nine prisoners died in a fire in Cameroon's notoriously overcrowded and rundown New Bell jail in the west African country's economic capital Douala, the penitentiary's chief said.The country's most populous jail is crammed with more than four times as many prisoners than its original capacity."The fire began around four in the morning in the Regime wing which houses 1,468 prisoners," Joseph Tsala Amougou told AFP over telephone."I regret to say there have been nine deaths," mainly due to asphyxiation, he said, adding: "The entire wing has been burnt down."Conditions at the prison are dire, even by African standards. In June, 16 prisoners were killed while trying to escape from its nightmarish confines.According to Tsala Amougou, there are 3,421 inmates packed into a space originally meant for a maximum of 800 prisoners. Running water, proper toilets and even beds and mattresses are in short supply and corruption is rampant.Built in 1935 in the heart of the teeming working-class district, the New Bell prison was originally meant to house a military barracks.
Its filthy yellowing walls are topped by razor wire. There are four rudimentary watch towers and the roads leading to the prison are in a pitiful state. There is often flooding in the jail, which has open drains and toilets.
Its filthy yellowing walls are topped by razor wire. There are four rudimentary watch towers and the roads leading to the prison are in a pitiful state. There is often flooding in the jail, which has open drains and toilets.
Gambling Prison warden stealing from the Prisoners’ Fund
at the Central Prisons was stealing from the Prisoners’ Fund and spending the money on gambling.From the check conducted by the Audit Office, it was found that €8,500 had gone missing, but the investigation carried out by the CID Headquarters shows that the amount is far greater and inside information talks of €40,000. The theft of the money was discovered through a regular check made on the Fund, and the Director was immediately informed, in turn informing the Ministry of Justice. The Permanent Secretary of the Justice Ministry Andys Tryfonides requested a review by the Audit Office and reported the case to the CID, which is conducting an investigation. The warden at the Central Prisons in charge of the Prisoners’ Fund, who is considered a suspect, was suspended. He has allegedly admitted to committing embezzlement, but does not remember how much money he took so he voluntarily returned €10,000. The money prisoners receive from the Mercy Allowance and several other sources is deposited in the Prisoners’ Fund. The money is given to inmates upon their release from prison. The suspect warden was forging the amounts given to prisoners by adding extra zeros, pocketing the extra cash. It is unknown for how long the scam was going on for, and there are indications that the money was used for gambling. Meanwhile, the embezzlement sparked anger among the staff of the Central Prisons, who have not been paid for their overtime for June and July. There were rumours that the money for the overtime instead went to top up the Prisoners’ Fund to cover the deficit. However, the authorities have insisted that this is not the case and that the money for the overtime will be paid in the next few days. The delay is due to the holiday leave that did not allow the drafting of relevant documents. Central Prison Governor Michalis Hadjidemetriou called for an immediate settlement of the issue, approving overtime work to members of the Accounts Department.
Same-sex couples can get married in California, state prison officials are trying to figure out what that means for gay inmates.
Same-sex couples can get married in California, state prison officials are trying to figure out what that means for gay inmates.No prisoners so far have sought to arrange weddings with same-sex partners since the state Supreme Court granted same-sex couples the right to wed as of mid-June, according to Michele Kane, spokeswoman for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.Nonetheless, department lawyers are drafting guidelines to bring the state’s 33 adult prisons into compliance with the court’s ruling that same-sex couples must be treated the same as opposite-sex couples under the California Constitution, Kane said.
What they have determined so far is that would mean allowing gay inmates to marry someone on the outside, but not a fellow prisoner — the same rules that apply to straight inmates, according to Kane.“They will have the same marriage rights as other inmates — they will be able to marry non-inmates, but barred from marrying other inmates in prison,” she said.Prison officials were concerned that allowing two men or two women in the same prison to get married would pose novel safety and security concerns, according to Kane.“For instance, suppose a prisoner finds out another prisoner has money or other assets. They might find themselves coerced into a marriage with a more powerful inmate who might try to lay claim to half their assets,” she said.
What they have determined so far is that would mean allowing gay inmates to marry someone on the outside, but not a fellow prisoner — the same rules that apply to straight inmates, according to Kane.“They will have the same marriage rights as other inmates — they will be able to marry non-inmates, but barred from marrying other inmates in prison,” she said.Prison officials were concerned that allowing two men or two women in the same prison to get married would pose novel safety and security concerns, according to Kane.“For instance, suppose a prisoner finds out another prisoner has money or other assets. They might find themselves coerced into a marriage with a more powerful inmate who might try to lay claim to half their assets,” she said.
Dog pens Australian soldiers in Afghanistan used to temporarily detain a group of suspected Taliban fighters
Defence Department has released further details of the dog pens Australian soldiers in Afghanistan used to temporarily detain a group of suspected Taliban fighters.
The four men were detained in April this year for 24 hours in welded mesh cages measuring 1.4 metres high, 1.2 metres wide and one metre deep.The department says the enclosures offered the best safe and secure accommodation until the following day, when three of the detainees were transferred to another military base. The fourth man was released. Defence Minister Joel Fitzgibbon has defended the soldiers' actions, saying their options would have been very limited and an investigation has cleared them of wrongdoing.Earlier, Mr Fitzgibbon said he was confident there has been no breach of the Geneva Conventions which ensure prisoners of war are treated humanely."We will always endeavour to comply with all aspects of international law," he said."We are at war in Afghanistan with people who would employ any tactic including the use of children as shields and as a means of propaganda and it's a tough battle. "But we always endeavour to comply on all occasions with international law and I'm confident that our people have done so."Australian soldiers are well known as the best fighters in the world and the fairest fighters in the world; always complying with their rules of engagement and always consistent with international law."
The four men were detained in April this year for 24 hours in welded mesh cages measuring 1.4 metres high, 1.2 metres wide and one metre deep.The department says the enclosures offered the best safe and secure accommodation until the following day, when three of the detainees were transferred to another military base. The fourth man was released. Defence Minister Joel Fitzgibbon has defended the soldiers' actions, saying their options would have been very limited and an investigation has cleared them of wrongdoing.Earlier, Mr Fitzgibbon said he was confident there has been no breach of the Geneva Conventions which ensure prisoners of war are treated humanely."We will always endeavour to comply with all aspects of international law," he said."We are at war in Afghanistan with people who would employ any tactic including the use of children as shields and as a means of propaganda and it's a tough battle. "But we always endeavour to comply on all occasions with international law and I'm confident that our people have done so."Australian soldiers are well known as the best fighters in the world and the fairest fighters in the world; always complying with their rules of engagement and always consistent with international law."
President, His Highness Shaikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan granted an executive pardon to 700 Emarati and expatriate prisoners
President, His Highness Shaikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan granted an executive pardon to 700 Emarati and expatriate prisoners on Wednesday to mark the advent of the holy month of Ramadan.Shaikh Khalifa also instructed the authorities to settle of the debts of pardoned prisoners.Shaikh Khalifa’s gesture shows his keenness to give the prisoners a chance to start a new life and end the suffering of their families.
US sprinter Marion Jones has finally been released from prison after completing a six-month term behind bars for lying to federal investigators

US sprinter Marion Jones has finally been released from prison after completing a six-month term behind bars for lying to federal investigators over steroid use.Jones was released on Friday from a halfway house in San Antonio, Texas, a Federal Bureau of Prisons official confirmed.Jones, 31, pleaded guilty to two counts of perjury in October. While leaving the courthouse she made a tearful plea for public forgiveness for her "incredibly stupid" decision.Jones won five gold medals at the 2000 Sydney Olympics but was stripped of the medals after admitting she doped before the games.
Jones was questioned by federal authorities in connection with an investigation into the San Francisco Bay Area laboratory BALCO, whose executives were sent to prison for distributing steroids to several top athletes.
British expatriate Michelle Palmer – aka the ‘sex on beach woman’ as British tabloids routinely call her – pleaded her innocence in a local court.
British expatriate Michelle Palmer – aka the ‘sex on beach woman’ as British tabloids routinely call her – pleaded her innocence in a local court. Ms Palmer faces a prison term for offending public decency after she was caught allegedly having sex on one of Dubai’s most popular 5 star tourist beaches Jameirah, with English holidaymaker Vince Acors.
Telling reporters she’s already ‘lost everything there is to lose’, Ms Palmer smuggled a note to a Times journalist in which a ‘close friend’ described her predicament. “She has been in hospital from panic attacks, on antidepressants and stayed in hiding for seven weeks,” the note read. “She’s a paranoid, scared wreck due to false allegations printed and she’s lost the job she loves.”
One Brit unlikely to make a visit back to Dubai anytime soon is Mylo, who recently name-checked the city when asked by the Guardian where he’d never go back to. “Never say never, but I can’t say I got a lot out of Dubai when I stopped off there last year,” the Scottish house star told the Guardian, “It’s fake and seedy and totally unedifying, like its cousin Las Vegas, which I also hate,” he added.
Telling reporters she’s already ‘lost everything there is to lose’, Ms Palmer smuggled a note to a Times journalist in which a ‘close friend’ described her predicament. “She has been in hospital from panic attacks, on antidepressants and stayed in hiding for seven weeks,” the note read. “She’s a paranoid, scared wreck due to false allegations printed and she’s lost the job she loves.”
One Brit unlikely to make a visit back to Dubai anytime soon is Mylo, who recently name-checked the city when asked by the Guardian where he’d never go back to. “Never say never, but I can’t say I got a lot out of Dubai when I stopped off there last year,” the Scottish house star told the Guardian, “It’s fake and seedy and totally unedifying, like its cousin Las Vegas, which I also hate,” he added.
Radio 1 drum & bass DJ Grooverider has been pardoned from his four year sentence for possessing 2.16 grams of cannabis.

Radio 1 drum & bass DJ Grooverider has been pardoned from his four year sentence for possessing 2.16 grams of cannabis. He flew back to the UK on Thursday September 4th, the BBC have reported.The club pioneer was arrested last November when airport customs officials found the pot in his luggage as he flew in to play a gig, and he was locked up immediately serving 9 months in total. He was one of 700 prisoners pardoned by United Arab Emirates ruler President Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan to mark Ramadan, and was reported to be spending time with his family and friends in England upon returning home.
largest inmate population in state history, the Department of Correction is installing bunk beds for the first time at the maximum security Souza-Bara
largest inmate population in state history, the Department of Correction is installing bunk beds for the first time at the maximum security Souza-Baranowski Correctional Center in ShirleyThe move has ignited an outcry from the correction officers union and prison advocates. They say double bunking at Souza-Baranowski is a security risk and does nothing to address the problem of lower-risk offenders being jailed at higher-security prisons because of a lack of lower-security beds.
“It’s the most dangerous thing to do at a Level 6 maximum security facility,” said Steve Kenneway, president of the Massachusetts Correction Officers Federated Union. The union is to begin bargaining with the DOC over staffing levels required by the double bunking Sept. 16, Kenneway said.“Right now, Souza-Baranowski is a safe facility that is single bunked. It will be an unsafe facility with tremendous problems when you double bunk it,” said Kenneway.DOC spokeswoman Diane Wiffin said officials decided to install bunk beds at Souza to address overcrowding created by the record number of state inmates. As of Sept. 1, the DOC had a population of 11,368, a 10 percent increase since 2005, breaking the record of 11,158 inmates set in 1999.“Overcrowding impacts the safety of our population and staff,” said Wiffin. “There are several potential remedies we are exploring to ease overcrowding. One remedy is double bunking at Souza-Baranowski Correctional Center.”The 500,000-square-foot prison has 1,024 general-population single cells, 128 special management cells and 24 health service beds, according to the DOC Web site. As of March 31, Souza-Baranowski was operating at 104 percent of its capacity, with 1,063 inmates, according to the DOC’s first quarter overcrowding report. So far, none of the bunk beds that were installed have been put to use, Wiffin said.MCI-Cedar Junction in Walpole, the state’s other maximum security prison, was operating at 115 percent of its capacity, with 731 inmates, during the first quarter of 2008, DOC data show. The prison was designed to hold no more than 633 inmates. There are no bunk beds in use there, Wiffin said.Leslie Walker, director of Massachusetts Correctional Legal Services, said double bunking at Souza will worsen security conditions at an already violent prison and require the state to spend more money on staffing. The DOC’s budget for fiscal 2009 is more than $530 million - a steep increase from last year’s spending plan of $474 million.“Double bunking maximum security prisoners is a huge mistake. Double bunking at Souza-Baranowski jams two men in a small cell for 20 hours per day,” Walker said in an e-mail. “This creates an unnecessarily tense, unsafe environment for prisoners and staff in an already tense, violent prison.”Walker said 16 percent of the state’s prison population is held at maximum security prisons, which is twice the national average. According to a January DOC report to the Legislature, there are 600 inmates housed with higher-risk offenders because of a lack of medium, minimum and pre-release beds for the lower-risk prisoners.
“It’s the most dangerous thing to do at a Level 6 maximum security facility,” said Steve Kenneway, president of the Massachusetts Correction Officers Federated Union. The union is to begin bargaining with the DOC over staffing levels required by the double bunking Sept. 16, Kenneway said.“Right now, Souza-Baranowski is a safe facility that is single bunked. It will be an unsafe facility with tremendous problems when you double bunk it,” said Kenneway.DOC spokeswoman Diane Wiffin said officials decided to install bunk beds at Souza to address overcrowding created by the record number of state inmates. As of Sept. 1, the DOC had a population of 11,368, a 10 percent increase since 2005, breaking the record of 11,158 inmates set in 1999.“Overcrowding impacts the safety of our population and staff,” said Wiffin. “There are several potential remedies we are exploring to ease overcrowding. One remedy is double bunking at Souza-Baranowski Correctional Center.”The 500,000-square-foot prison has 1,024 general-population single cells, 128 special management cells and 24 health service beds, according to the DOC Web site. As of March 31, Souza-Baranowski was operating at 104 percent of its capacity, with 1,063 inmates, according to the DOC’s first quarter overcrowding report. So far, none of the bunk beds that were installed have been put to use, Wiffin said.MCI-Cedar Junction in Walpole, the state’s other maximum security prison, was operating at 115 percent of its capacity, with 731 inmates, during the first quarter of 2008, DOC data show. The prison was designed to hold no more than 633 inmates. There are no bunk beds in use there, Wiffin said.Leslie Walker, director of Massachusetts Correctional Legal Services, said double bunking at Souza will worsen security conditions at an already violent prison and require the state to spend more money on staffing. The DOC’s budget for fiscal 2009 is more than $530 million - a steep increase from last year’s spending plan of $474 million.“Double bunking maximum security prisoners is a huge mistake. Double bunking at Souza-Baranowski jams two men in a small cell for 20 hours per day,” Walker said in an e-mail. “This creates an unnecessarily tense, unsafe environment for prisoners and staff in an already tense, violent prison.”Walker said 16 percent of the state’s prison population is held at maximum security prisons, which is twice the national average. According to a January DOC report to the Legislature, there are 600 inmates housed with higher-risk offenders because of a lack of medium, minimum and pre-release beds for the lower-risk prisoners.
Tuesday, 2 September 2008
Rio Alex Bullo who had killed a fellow prisoner was executed last Agustus, 2008. Nusakambangan island
52 inmates of prisons on Nusakambangan island, off the Cilacap coast, are death row convicts some of whom have been waiting to be executed for more than a decade, a provincial prison affairs official said. All the condemned prisoners were until now uncertain about the dates of their execution, Bambang Winahyu, head of prison affairs at the Central Java law and human rights office, said here Monday."There is a death-row convict who has spent such a long time in prison that he is now 67 years old," he said.The inmate Winahyu referred to was Bahar bin Matar who was jailed in 1971 for murder. He said he did know why Bahar`s death sentence had not been carried out for 37 years. As far as he knew, Winahyu said, executions were carried out according to a priority scale whereby convicts who behaved badly, often tried to escape, bribed guards, was uncooperative and a dangereous person to deal with, were more quickly put to death. An example of a death-row convict with a bad behavior record was Rio Alex Bullo who had killed a fellow prisoner. He was executed last Agustus, 2008. Conversely, the 67-year-old Bahar who had been waiting to be executed for 37 years had always behaved well and thus aroused the sympathy of many quarters.
Winahyu said a group of House of Representatives (DPR) members visited Nusakambangan in 2007 and after learning about Bahar`s fate planned to do something to have his death sentence commuted. However, no follow-up on the parliament members` intention was heard of ever since because there was as yet no law allowing death-row convicts who had waited for more than 20 years and a good record of conduct to have his or her sentence commuted. "The possibility of commuting a death sentence to life is mentioned in a bill to amend the Criminal Law but the bill has yet to be deliberated by the House," he said. Among other prisoners sentenced to death who had waited more than a decade was Swabuana alias Adi Kumis alias Dodi bin Sukarno who had been in jail since July 5, 1991 and whose death sentence was confirmed by the Supreme Court in August, 1992. Another one was Malaysian national Thum Tuck Al Atjay, a drug effender, who was detained in May 1994 and whose death sentence was endorsed by the Supreme Court in September 1995. There were also 13 prisoners who had been on death-row for 5 to 10 years. They include the three Bali I bombers Amrozi, Mukhlas and Imam Samudra, and 36 others for 0-5 years
Winahyu said a group of House of Representatives (DPR) members visited Nusakambangan in 2007 and after learning about Bahar`s fate planned to do something to have his death sentence commuted. However, no follow-up on the parliament members` intention was heard of ever since because there was as yet no law allowing death-row convicts who had waited for more than 20 years and a good record of conduct to have his or her sentence commuted. "The possibility of commuting a death sentence to life is mentioned in a bill to amend the Criminal Law but the bill has yet to be deliberated by the House," he said. Among other prisoners sentenced to death who had waited more than a decade was Swabuana alias Adi Kumis alias Dodi bin Sukarno who had been in jail since July 5, 1991 and whose death sentence was confirmed by the Supreme Court in August, 1992. Another one was Malaysian national Thum Tuck Al Atjay, a drug effender, who was detained in May 1994 and whose death sentence was endorsed by the Supreme Court in September 1995. There were also 13 prisoners who had been on death-row for 5 to 10 years. They include the three Bali I bombers Amrozi, Mukhlas and Imam Samudra, and 36 others for 0-5 years
Friday, 29 August 2008
Plaid Cymru backs the idea of building a prison in Caernarfon.
FORMER police training college and the scene of Britain’s longest-ever industrial dispute are among the sites being considered for a new Welsh prison.The Ministry of Justice yesterday said it was looking at four options to ease overcrowding in Welsh jails, including the Centrex site in Cwmbran – once a police training centre – and the former Friction Dynamics car plant in Caernarfon, which gained notoriety for a bitter two-and-a-half-year strike from 2001 to 2003.The other two options are a council-owned building in Merthyr Tydfil and a brownfield site in Wrexham. Only one is likely to be built.Wales already has four prisons, at Cardiff, Swansea, Usk and the privately run Parc at Bridgend. The Welsh prison population is 2,762, a substantial rise on the 2000 figure of 1,923. The Government says there is a shortfall of about 500 places in South Wales and 800 in North Wales, where there is currently no prison at all.The consultation document released by the Ministry of Justice describes the former police training college site in Cwmbran as “a very good site” that could house as many as 1,500 prisoners.Prisons Minister David Hanson, the MP for Delyn, said: “I have been pleased with the constructive comments about the possible location of a new prison in Wales which have been received already and I look forward to receiving comments on the shortlist. This is an opportunity for any interested party to comment on the suitability of the proposed site for any development.”A final decision will be made after the consultation ends in October.The Ministry of Justice is already planning three huge “Titan” prisons. Only the Wrexham site is large enough for a “Titan” prison, although the ministry expects the three to be built in England.Other smaller jails are due to be built in the coming decade, and capacity at Parc in Bridgend is to increase by about 300 places.
In documents made public to accompany the consultation, the Ministry of Justice says the Cwmbran site, owned by the National Offender Management Service, is well placed for Newport and Cardiff Crown Courts and is “a very good site”.The building in Goatmill Road, Merthyr, has been put forward by the Assembly Government as part of plans to regenerate the area, although its location next to a housing estate may prompt objections.The proposed site in Wrexham could house a 2,500-cell prison. But the Ministry of Justice briefing note points out it is some distance from the Crown Court in Caernarfon, and a protected newt population would have to be moved.
The Friction Dynamix site in Caernarfon is privately owned but the Ministry of Justice said that despite a “number of environmental issues” it was “overall [a] good site in a good location”.Owners Bluefield Caernarfon Limited said they were also looking at a number of different options for developing the site.David Jones, the Conservative MP for Clwyd West, said: “While it is encouraging to see the Government recognises the lack of prison capacity in Wales, this proposal does not address the main recommendations of the Welsh Affairs Select Committee in its report in June last year.“It appears to contemplate only one new prison in the whole of Wales, but two are required, one in the north and one in the south.”Plaid Cymru’s leader at Westminster, Elfyn Llwyd, said he was “bitterly disappointed” there was no firmer commitment to a prison in North Wales.“I believe that the very notion that people from North Wales are held in prisons over in England and very far from their homes and without Welsh language provision is challengeable on the grounds of basic human rights,” he said.Plaid Cymru backs the idea of building a prison in Caernarfon.Labour MP for Wrexham Ian Lucas said the proposed site in his constituency suffered from poor transport links.“There are other parts of Wales with far higher unemployment rates than Wrexham that would benefit from public investment of this nature,” he said.Merthyr AM Huw Lewis said: “You would think this is something they would have thought to run past the local Assembly Member and the council’s head of development control. I’m sorry to say that this has not happened.”
In documents made public to accompany the consultation, the Ministry of Justice says the Cwmbran site, owned by the National Offender Management Service, is well placed for Newport and Cardiff Crown Courts and is “a very good site”.The building in Goatmill Road, Merthyr, has been put forward by the Assembly Government as part of plans to regenerate the area, although its location next to a housing estate may prompt objections.The proposed site in Wrexham could house a 2,500-cell prison. But the Ministry of Justice briefing note points out it is some distance from the Crown Court in Caernarfon, and a protected newt population would have to be moved.
The Friction Dynamix site in Caernarfon is privately owned but the Ministry of Justice said that despite a “number of environmental issues” it was “overall [a] good site in a good location”.Owners Bluefield Caernarfon Limited said they were also looking at a number of different options for developing the site.David Jones, the Conservative MP for Clwyd West, said: “While it is encouraging to see the Government recognises the lack of prison capacity in Wales, this proposal does not address the main recommendations of the Welsh Affairs Select Committee in its report in June last year.“It appears to contemplate only one new prison in the whole of Wales, but two are required, one in the north and one in the south.”Plaid Cymru’s leader at Westminster, Elfyn Llwyd, said he was “bitterly disappointed” there was no firmer commitment to a prison in North Wales.“I believe that the very notion that people from North Wales are held in prisons over in England and very far from their homes and without Welsh language provision is challengeable on the grounds of basic human rights,” he said.Plaid Cymru backs the idea of building a prison in Caernarfon.Labour MP for Wrexham Ian Lucas said the proposed site in his constituency suffered from poor transport links.“There are other parts of Wales with far higher unemployment rates than Wrexham that would benefit from public investment of this nature,” he said.Merthyr AM Huw Lewis said: “You would think this is something they would have thought to run past the local Assembly Member and the council’s head of development control. I’m sorry to say that this has not happened.”
corrections officials swept through the state institutions and confiscated hundreds of the portable writing machines
Nevada prison inmates have tapped out their legal briefs and appealed their convictions on old typewriters perched atop shelves in their cells.But last year, corrections officials swept through the state institutions and confiscated hundreds of the portable writing machines, arguing parts could be converted into weapons. To support the new ban, they cited two incidents: one in which an inmate died and another when a guard was threatened.In a growing pile of lawsuits against the state and the Department of Corrections, inmates are protesting the new rule, saying officials are using the security argument as an excuse to try to slow their legal complaints about Nevada's overcrowded prisons and difficult living conditions.
They also say the increase in violence in the prisons is the result of failed policies that have forced more and more inmates together into smaller spaces. Trying to quell the flow of suits challenging these issues by taking away their writing tools, they say, violates their constitutional rights.The Nevada attorney general's office filed a response asking the federal court to proclaim, once and for all, that the department "has a legal right to declare typewriters unauthorized property," and that the ban on typewriters does not violate inmate rights."Historically, typewriters have been an issue because their parts can be turned into weapons," said Greg Smith, a former guard and current spokesman for the Department of Corrections. "The attacks precipitated more discussion for a ban."Gary Piccinini, a senior officer with the department, said in a memo that several parts in particular are deadly. The rubber roller on one type of typewriter has a hollow piece of cylindrical metal inside that's 14 inches long and "is very heavy and could be used as a club." The cylindrical piece in the Brother typewriter "can also be made into a stabbing weapon," he said.The Canon typewriter has two other metal parts that can be sharpened into a slicing type weapon, he said.While not involved in the suits, the American Civil Liberties Union of Nevada said typewriters are a critical part of the pro se legal process, in which individuals represent themselves, and efforts should be made to allow their use."It's disappointing that the department of corrections could not have found a middle ground that protected inmate safety while allowing some access to typewriters," said Lee Rowland, a lawyer with the group's Reno office. "Inmate restrictions should be linked to actual and demonstrable safety risks, especially when they affect a fundamental right such as access to the court system."Nicole Moon, spokeswoman for the AG's office, said the ban was not meant to stop lawsuits."The ban on typewriters was implemented for safety and security, and is in no way intended to affect inmate litigation," she said.
Packed cellsAs with many prison systems across the country, Nevada's correctional facilities are busting at the seams.Gov. Jim Gibbons used those words to describe the conditions during a tour of a correctional center last year, and Howard Skolnik, director of the Department of Corrections, told reporters: "To say we are in a crisis is not an exaggeration."By last May, the state housed 13,113 inmates, 1,196 over capacity, Skolnik said. The influx forced prison officials to house inmates in program rooms, activity centers and even tents. At the Warm Springs Correctional Center last year, four inmates were being squeezed into cells measuring 12 feet by 12 feet.The prison population is projected to top 21,000 by 2016.At Ely State Prison, the state's only maximum-security facility, violent inmates who had been living alone now share their space, a situation in which there has been at least one death.
In December 2006, Anthony Beltran was killed, allegedly by cellmate Douglas Scott Potter.The weapon was "the roller pin from inside the platen of the inmate's typewriter," Greg Cox, deputy director of operations for DOC, said in an affidavit. "It is easily accessible and easily concealed."That was the first incident that sparked the typewriter ban, the attorney general's staff said in its response. The second was March 2007, when an inmate tried to stab a guard with a weapon that had been "fashioned from a piece of an inmate typewriter."Officials announced the following day that typewriters were prohibited at Ely, and by May, extended the ban to all prisons.Inmate Russell Cohen filed motions for injunctions in at least seven legal actions, saying the ban was unconstitutional. The state responded with its filing in June 2007.At least 13 actions have been filed in federal court over the typewriter issue, said Alicia Lerud, a deputy attorney general. Three other federal cases are pending in which the documents have not been served, she said, and at least four cases in state court over the typewriter ban.Some inmates at the Ely facility say the attack on Beltran was destined to happen, regardless of the weapon used."It is simply irrational to blame the December 2006 attack on a typewriter, when televisions, extension cords and even prison boots have been used and are available in situations similar to the December 2006 incident," inmates Travers Greene and Paul Browning said in their handwritten motion."When an inmate is committed to inflicting harm on another," they said, "the failed policies of the administration -- not the weapon involved -- creates the opportunity for injury. Under these failed policies, it was only a matter of time before an actual murder to (sic) occurred."Browing said in an affidavit that Potter told him that he had "repeatedly pleaded with prison officials not to place him in the cell with Mr. Beltran and if this happened, there would be trouble."Potter also sent prison officials three notes stating his violent intentions.
In the first one, Potter said he wanted to be in a single cell, and said, "I have no intention of living in lock down with whoever you decide I am to live with, so make sure he is big, knows how to fight, and ain't afraid to die."In the second note, Potter said he wouldn't live "24/7 in a box" with someone.
"I give fair warning that whoever you move in I will physically assault savagely," he wrote.He said he would testify for the new cell mate in the lawsuit he would surely file "for you guys knowingly placing him in harm's way."On Dec. 28, 2006, prison guards were preparing to take Beltran and Potter to the showers. As was routine, they started to handcuff the inmates through the food slot before opening the cell door, Las Vegas lawyer Jeff Galliher said in a wrongful death suit he filed against the Department of Corrections on behalf of Baltran's family.They cuffed Beltran first, Galliher said, and "as soon as Beltran was completely restrained with the handcuffs, Potter ran from the back of the cell and began striking Beltran on the right side of his body with what appeared to be a silver colored bar."An autopsy found Beltran sustained 14 puncture wounds that struck his lung, heart and liver. He died in the cell.
They also say the increase in violence in the prisons is the result of failed policies that have forced more and more inmates together into smaller spaces. Trying to quell the flow of suits challenging these issues by taking away their writing tools, they say, violates their constitutional rights.The Nevada attorney general's office filed a response asking the federal court to proclaim, once and for all, that the department "has a legal right to declare typewriters unauthorized property," and that the ban on typewriters does not violate inmate rights."Historically, typewriters have been an issue because their parts can be turned into weapons," said Greg Smith, a former guard and current spokesman for the Department of Corrections. "The attacks precipitated more discussion for a ban."Gary Piccinini, a senior officer with the department, said in a memo that several parts in particular are deadly. The rubber roller on one type of typewriter has a hollow piece of cylindrical metal inside that's 14 inches long and "is very heavy and could be used as a club." The cylindrical piece in the Brother typewriter "can also be made into a stabbing weapon," he said.The Canon typewriter has two other metal parts that can be sharpened into a slicing type weapon, he said.While not involved in the suits, the American Civil Liberties Union of Nevada said typewriters are a critical part of the pro se legal process, in which individuals represent themselves, and efforts should be made to allow their use."It's disappointing that the department of corrections could not have found a middle ground that protected inmate safety while allowing some access to typewriters," said Lee Rowland, a lawyer with the group's Reno office. "Inmate restrictions should be linked to actual and demonstrable safety risks, especially when they affect a fundamental right such as access to the court system."Nicole Moon, spokeswoman for the AG's office, said the ban was not meant to stop lawsuits."The ban on typewriters was implemented for safety and security, and is in no way intended to affect inmate litigation," she said.
Packed cellsAs with many prison systems across the country, Nevada's correctional facilities are busting at the seams.Gov. Jim Gibbons used those words to describe the conditions during a tour of a correctional center last year, and Howard Skolnik, director of the Department of Corrections, told reporters: "To say we are in a crisis is not an exaggeration."By last May, the state housed 13,113 inmates, 1,196 over capacity, Skolnik said. The influx forced prison officials to house inmates in program rooms, activity centers and even tents. At the Warm Springs Correctional Center last year, four inmates were being squeezed into cells measuring 12 feet by 12 feet.The prison population is projected to top 21,000 by 2016.At Ely State Prison, the state's only maximum-security facility, violent inmates who had been living alone now share their space, a situation in which there has been at least one death.
In December 2006, Anthony Beltran was killed, allegedly by cellmate Douglas Scott Potter.The weapon was "the roller pin from inside the platen of the inmate's typewriter," Greg Cox, deputy director of operations for DOC, said in an affidavit. "It is easily accessible and easily concealed."That was the first incident that sparked the typewriter ban, the attorney general's staff said in its response. The second was March 2007, when an inmate tried to stab a guard with a weapon that had been "fashioned from a piece of an inmate typewriter."Officials announced the following day that typewriters were prohibited at Ely, and by May, extended the ban to all prisons.Inmate Russell Cohen filed motions for injunctions in at least seven legal actions, saying the ban was unconstitutional. The state responded with its filing in June 2007.At least 13 actions have been filed in federal court over the typewriter issue, said Alicia Lerud, a deputy attorney general. Three other federal cases are pending in which the documents have not been served, she said, and at least four cases in state court over the typewriter ban.Some inmates at the Ely facility say the attack on Beltran was destined to happen, regardless of the weapon used."It is simply irrational to blame the December 2006 attack on a typewriter, when televisions, extension cords and even prison boots have been used and are available in situations similar to the December 2006 incident," inmates Travers Greene and Paul Browning said in their handwritten motion."When an inmate is committed to inflicting harm on another," they said, "the failed policies of the administration -- not the weapon involved -- creates the opportunity for injury. Under these failed policies, it was only a matter of time before an actual murder to (sic) occurred."Browing said in an affidavit that Potter told him that he had "repeatedly pleaded with prison officials not to place him in the cell with Mr. Beltran and if this happened, there would be trouble."Potter also sent prison officials three notes stating his violent intentions.
In the first one, Potter said he wanted to be in a single cell, and said, "I have no intention of living in lock down with whoever you decide I am to live with, so make sure he is big, knows how to fight, and ain't afraid to die."In the second note, Potter said he wouldn't live "24/7 in a box" with someone.
"I give fair warning that whoever you move in I will physically assault savagely," he wrote.He said he would testify for the new cell mate in the lawsuit he would surely file "for you guys knowingly placing him in harm's way."On Dec. 28, 2006, prison guards were preparing to take Beltran and Potter to the showers. As was routine, they started to handcuff the inmates through the food slot before opening the cell door, Las Vegas lawyer Jeff Galliher said in a wrongful death suit he filed against the Department of Corrections on behalf of Baltran's family.They cuffed Beltran first, Galliher said, and "as soon as Beltran was completely restrained with the handcuffs, Potter ran from the back of the cell and began striking Beltran on the right side of his body with what appeared to be a silver colored bar."An autopsy found Beltran sustained 14 puncture wounds that struck his lung, heart and liver. He died in the cell.
Shaikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan granted an executive pardon to 700 Emarati and expatriate prisoners on Wednesday
Shaikh Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan granted an executive pardon to 700 Emarati and expatriate prisoners on Wednesday to mark the advent of the holy month of Ramadan.Shaikh Khalifa also instructed the authorities to settle of the debts of pardoned prisoners.Shaikh Khalifa’s gesture shows his keenness to give the prisoners a chance to start a new life and end the suffering of their families.
state lawmakers are calling for a closer look at the state's prison system.
state lawmakers are calling for a closer look at the state's prison system.But state House Speaker Chris Benge has denied all six requests to examine prisons.Benge says an audit last year on the prison system gave lawmakers plenty of ideas for dealing with the growing number of inmates and the aging facilities.The audit indicates state prisons are antiquated and underfunded. Among its 141 recommendations are that the population growth could be slowed by removing the governor from the parole process and revising the guidelines for drug courts.The prison system is at 98.3% capacity with 25,275 inmates and not included in that count are another 1,200 inmates in county jails waiting to be transported to state facilities
From 1-7 August 2008, there was held chain of demonstration inside and outside of German's prisons.
From 1-7 August 2008, there was held chain of demonstration inside and outside of German's prisons. Call was made by Group for protection of interests of prisoners (Interessenvertretung Inhaftierter), after Nadine finished again in prison in Bielefeld (Nadine Christiane Tribian, Umlostrasse 100, 33649 Bielefeld), where she was sexual disturbed (guard was punished with 2 years on probation). In strike participated 551 prisoners in 49 prisons in Germany, together with several individuals in other countries (Switzerland 1, Belgium 3, Holland 1 i Spain 9).
As support for their strike inside, different activists and anarchists made strike outside of prisons. Only Neues Deutschland and Die Junge Welt published several articles. Articles are in German's language and you can read it here: http://abc-berlin.net/hungerstreik_presse
3th August, group of people gathered themselves in Alaun park in Dresden, they made there music and gave out leaflets and discussed with passangers about hunger strike. Detailed news in German's: http://de.indymedia.org/2008/08/223871.shtml?c=on#c517993
4th August, about 60 people expressed solidarity with prisoners with protest in front of Berlin prison JVA Moabit.
5th August, in Hamburg demonstrated about 80 people, in front of custody. They made music and speeches so prisoners heard messages of solidarity. Detailed news in German's: http://de.indymedia.org/2008/08/223954.shtml
In Koeln demonstrated about 20 people and they spoke about bad situation of prisoners (forced labour, censorship, punishments inside, etc), against existings of prisons which serve only to ruling class. Detailed at: http://de.indymedia.org/2008/08/224074.shtml
Vancuver-Canada: Late on the night of August 6th a probation office on Commercial Drive had its front window smashed with a chunk of cement. This was done as an act of solidarity with the hundreds of prisoners in Europe participating in a mass hunger strike from August 1-7th. Particularly with the anarchists, Gabriel Pombo da Silva and Jose Fernandez Delgado. This was also in solidarity with Amadeu Casellas. Amadeu is an anarchist who has been imprisoned by the Spanish state for 25 years for robberies of banks with aim to finance fight of working class. He started a hunger strike on 22nd of July. In a communique released on July 18th he made the statement "Freedom or Death". More info: http://www.325collective.com.At August 13, 2008, a group calling themselves "Internationalist insurrectionalist forces" claimed responsibility for bombing an Itau bank branch in la Reina, in Santiago, Chile. Corporate media reported the explosion as causing significant damage.
The action was claimed as a response to exploitation, prison, the State and Capital. It was also claimed as an action of solidarity with anarchist prisoner Gabriel Pombo da Silva, imprisoned in Germany. The communication also stated "Axel Osorio to the streets". Osorio is an anti-capitalist who was imprisoned in Chile after a bank expropriation in December of 2007, during which an agent of repression died.
As support for their strike inside, different activists and anarchists made strike outside of prisons. Only Neues Deutschland and Die Junge Welt published several articles. Articles are in German's language and you can read it here: http://abc-berlin.net/hungerstreik_presse
3th August, group of people gathered themselves in Alaun park in Dresden, they made there music and gave out leaflets and discussed with passangers about hunger strike. Detailed news in German's: http://de.indymedia.org/2008/08/223871.shtml?c=on#c517993
4th August, about 60 people expressed solidarity with prisoners with protest in front of Berlin prison JVA Moabit.
5th August, in Hamburg demonstrated about 80 people, in front of custody. They made music and speeches so prisoners heard messages of solidarity. Detailed news in German's: http://de.indymedia.org/2008/08/223954.shtml
In Koeln demonstrated about 20 people and they spoke about bad situation of prisoners (forced labour, censorship, punishments inside, etc), against existings of prisons which serve only to ruling class. Detailed at: http://de.indymedia.org/2008/08/224074.shtml
Vancuver-Canada: Late on the night of August 6th a probation office on Commercial Drive had its front window smashed with a chunk of cement. This was done as an act of solidarity with the hundreds of prisoners in Europe participating in a mass hunger strike from August 1-7th. Particularly with the anarchists, Gabriel Pombo da Silva and Jose Fernandez Delgado. This was also in solidarity with Amadeu Casellas. Amadeu is an anarchist who has been imprisoned by the Spanish state for 25 years for robberies of banks with aim to finance fight of working class. He started a hunger strike on 22nd of July. In a communique released on July 18th he made the statement "Freedom or Death". More info: http://www.325collective.com.At August 13, 2008, a group calling themselves "Internationalist insurrectionalist forces" claimed responsibility for bombing an Itau bank branch in la Reina, in Santiago, Chile. Corporate media reported the explosion as causing significant damage.
The action was claimed as a response to exploitation, prison, the State and Capital. It was also claimed as an action of solidarity with anarchist prisoner Gabriel Pombo da Silva, imprisoned in Germany. The communication also stated "Axel Osorio to the streets". Osorio is an anti-capitalist who was imprisoned in Chile after a bank expropriation in December of 2007, during which an agent of repression died.
MORE sniffer dogs should be used in Scotland’s prisons to stem the increasing flow of drugs into jails, according to a governor.
MORE sniffer dogs should be used in Scotland’s prisons to stem the increasing flow of drugs into jails, according to a governor.
Nigel Ironside, who is in charge of Saughton prison in Edinburgh, said dogs in visitor areas would help deter relatives of inmates and “mules” bringing in drugs.An average of five seizures are made every day in the country’s jails – and this is to be a relatively small percentage of the true volume of narcotics reaching inmates.
However, efforts to stop the flow of drugs are being hampered by the absence of dedicated sniffer dog teams in each prison. There are currently eight dogs used across the country’s 14 jails – or one dog for every 1,000 prisoners.Such limited numbers mean they are used only in targeted operations, but not during routine visits, through which a large proportion of drugs found inside prisons are smuggled.The number of drug seizures has reached historically high levels in recent years, rising from 862 in 2003 to 1,779 last year.Between April and July this year, 270g of heroin and 88g of cocaine were recovered, compared with 1.012kg and 145g for the whole of last year.Mr Ironside said:“We know that when dogs are around during visits, many people planning to come in with drugs are deterred because they know they will detect them.”However, he said he did not think it was right to “go down the route of the US model” by generally restricting personal visits, as this would damage rehabilitation of prisoners, making it more likely they will commit crime after their release.Saughton Prison is facing a growing tide of drug smuggling as the numbers of inmates increase. The jail is designed to hold 771 prisoners but yesterday was holding 855.Prison officers have intercepted or found more than 50g of class “A” drugs and 76 mobile phones, which can be used in drug trafficking, in the past three months alone.Mr Ironside said staff are facing an uphill battle to reduce the amount of drugs being smuggled inside prisons, admitting that officers probably fail to intercept most drugs.A spokesman for the Scottish Prison Service said officials were looking to increase the use of sniffer dogs to root out drugs. “We are currently considering this option,” he said.Prison staff are making increasing use of CCTV and intelligence from police and the Serious Organised Crime Squad to intercept drugs. Despite this, they say they will probably never be able to eradicate drugs from prisons altogether.The call for more sniffer dogs came as Kenny MacAskill, the justice secretary, pledged a “zero tolerance” approach to drugs in prisons. He was speaking after witnessing first-hand a new model of treating drug-addicted inmates at Saughton Prison. This integrates medical treatment with therapeutic support.Mr MacAskill said that as prisoner numbers remain at record levels, the Scottish Prison Service (SPS) faces a “testing time”.But he added: “I am fully committed to zero tolerance of illegal drug use and trafficking in prisons, and I know I am fully supported by the SPS.”
Nigel Ironside, who is in charge of Saughton prison in Edinburgh, said dogs in visitor areas would help deter relatives of inmates and “mules” bringing in drugs.An average of five seizures are made every day in the country’s jails – and this is to be a relatively small percentage of the true volume of narcotics reaching inmates.
However, efforts to stop the flow of drugs are being hampered by the absence of dedicated sniffer dog teams in each prison. There are currently eight dogs used across the country’s 14 jails – or one dog for every 1,000 prisoners.Such limited numbers mean they are used only in targeted operations, but not during routine visits, through which a large proportion of drugs found inside prisons are smuggled.The number of drug seizures has reached historically high levels in recent years, rising from 862 in 2003 to 1,779 last year.Between April and July this year, 270g of heroin and 88g of cocaine were recovered, compared with 1.012kg and 145g for the whole of last year.Mr Ironside said:“We know that when dogs are around during visits, many people planning to come in with drugs are deterred because they know they will detect them.”However, he said he did not think it was right to “go down the route of the US model” by generally restricting personal visits, as this would damage rehabilitation of prisoners, making it more likely they will commit crime after their release.Saughton Prison is facing a growing tide of drug smuggling as the numbers of inmates increase. The jail is designed to hold 771 prisoners but yesterday was holding 855.Prison officers have intercepted or found more than 50g of class “A” drugs and 76 mobile phones, which can be used in drug trafficking, in the past three months alone.Mr Ironside said staff are facing an uphill battle to reduce the amount of drugs being smuggled inside prisons, admitting that officers probably fail to intercept most drugs.A spokesman for the Scottish Prison Service said officials were looking to increase the use of sniffer dogs to root out drugs. “We are currently considering this option,” he said.Prison staff are making increasing use of CCTV and intelligence from police and the Serious Organised Crime Squad to intercept drugs. Despite this, they say they will probably never be able to eradicate drugs from prisons altogether.The call for more sniffer dogs came as Kenny MacAskill, the justice secretary, pledged a “zero tolerance” approach to drugs in prisons. He was speaking after witnessing first-hand a new model of treating drug-addicted inmates at Saughton Prison. This integrates medical treatment with therapeutic support.Mr MacAskill said that as prisoner numbers remain at record levels, the Scottish Prison Service (SPS) faces a “testing time”.But he added: “I am fully committed to zero tolerance of illegal drug use and trafficking in prisons, and I know I am fully supported by the SPS.”
Wednesday, 11 June 2008
Dubai could now be the riskiest place in the world for the unwary traveller and Venezuela and Trinidad the countries with the most dangerous prisons.
Dubai could now be the riskiest place in the world for the unwary traveller and Venezuela and Trinidad the countries with the most dangerous prisons. Those are the warnings of Prisoners Abroad (PA), which this month marks its 30th anniversary as the organisation that helps Britons who fall foul of the law abroad.Some people setting off on their holidays this summer will be joining the increasing number of travellers locked up abroad. In the past year, more than 1,600 Britons have found themselves in foreign jails, from Vietnam to Brazil and Pakistan to Ghana. Around half were jailed for drugs offences, said Pauline Crowe, chief executive of PA. "They cover the full range from those who were 'carrying a bag for a friend' to those who admit they were involved," said Crowe. "You also get young women who have fallen in love with someone and agree to carry drugs for them."While drug offences account for 47% of all prisoners, murder (14%), violence (9%), sexual offences (9%) and fraud (7%) also feature. Seven per cent of the prisoners are under 25 and 8% over 60. Men account for 87% of those in jail. The United Arab Emirates has emerged as the country with the longest list of banned substances, which include many commonly available drugs, such as codeine, and many well-known anti-depressants, which can lead to jail if unaccompanied by a doctor's written prescription. Dubai airport has recently installed new drug-sensitive equipment which can detect a trace of a drug on a shoe. Earlier this year, Fair Trials International (FTI) published a list of the drugs that could lead to terms of imprisonment in Dubai. Travellers carrying jet-lag medicine have been held. Even poppy seeds can result in a charge. Fifty-nine Britons were arrested in Dubai last year on drug charges."Ignorance is no defence," said Crowe. "It is very easy to come unstuck. The best advice is be sensible and do your research before you travel." In February, the BBC DJ Grooverider was jailed for four years for an amount of cannabis that would not have led to his arrest in the UK.The US has the largest number of UK prisoners, followed by Spain, France, Australia and Thailand, where there are 45 British men in jail. Venezuela and Trinidad were regarded as having the toughest prisons. "It's absolutely lawless in Venezuela," said Crowe. "The prisoners are better armed than the guards." Deaths in foreign prisons are not uncommon. Earlier this year, a Briton died in jail in Laos from illness and starvation. The prisoner, jailed for money laundering, had mental problems and refused treatment. Around 70 prisoners have been transferred back to Britain in the past year but others prefer to stay in jails abroad. "In Thailand, for instance," said Crowe, "you might be in a cell with 30 or 40 other prisoners but you have free association throughout the day, if you can cope with the weather and the insect infestation. In Britain, the Prison Service is so overstretched that you could be locked up for most of the day."Joe Parham, co-founder of what was originally called the National Council for the Welfare of Prisoners Abroad, said that when it started in 1978 there had been a predominance of people arrested in Spain. "We had a huge number coming up from Morocco with drugs who were caught like flies at Algeciras." Travellers returning from places such as Thailand and Turkey brought in tales of friends serving long sentences, mainly for drugs. The map of prisoners abroad is due to change dramatically in 2010 when the Transfer of Sentenced Prisoners Act comes into force. This will mean than any prisoners from an EU country will be sent back to their home country to serve their sentence.
Thursday, 1 May 2008
Gary Jones,Lee Williams,Julian Gilbey,Jody Aggett, Jonathon Wheeler currently staying in the Bangkok Hilton,Bangkwang Central Prison

Gary Jones, up on a notice board, and thought we'd go and pay the poor soul a wee visit. After being manhandled by the gay looking prison guards and having the newspaper and fruit we'd brought for the geezer confiscated, we made it into this pretty wee flower garden and two huge rows of visitor windows. I bet it wasn't so rosy on their side of the bars, double glass walls, and fence. You should've seen the smiles on some of the inmates faces though, they were almost on the verge of tears, simply being so happy to see people, anyone - other than families, alot of the visitors were religious types, chanting away from the bible thru the windows.
This guy Gary had been done for heroin smuggling, they (the police) apparently planted a bag on him at the airport on his way to Taiwan. He was infact smuggling diamonds but they couldn't find them on him so they made the plant for an easy arrest. He now faces life imprisonement with barely no hope of ever being released or being given a fair trial. They just throw the book at you when drugs are involved, the police don't even show up to the court cases and the matter is adjourned - for years. It's extremely rare that anyone will ever be set free here if they're caught with large amounts of narcotics.
He shares his 4m x 6m cell, which he has to pay for, with 10 other inmates. At busy times, up to 22 inmates share that same cell. That's less than a square metre per person, barely enough room to curl up in. Gary was in high spirits though, very chatty, and very jealous of our Khao San Road hangovers! The worst thing for him is that he hasn't had a drink or any sweet loving in 2 and half years!! Anyway folks, if you're ever in Bangkok (in the next 50 years), you should go visit the man, he's a top bloke and is so appreciative of a friendly face. Bring him some good books, chocolate, any other foods or magazines. The guards will confiscate newspapers, porn or anything that's too difficult to search - i.e. my juicy lychees!
Other English speaking geezers I found out about are Lee Williams, Julian Gilbey, Jody Aggett, all in building 2, and Jonathon Wheeler in building 4. Gary's in building 2 aswell. To get there jump on any old river boat heading north from the pier next to the Grand Palace and go to the last stop - pier 30, Nonthaburi. From there, walk up the street a wee bit, and take the first left. You must register with reception 200m up the street on the left, then the prison is across the road on the right. Don't forget your passports, and dress in long trousers. Ladies - nothing too revealing or they won't let you in. Visiting times are Mondays and Wednesdays 13:30 - 14:45.
04 Saddam on the piss
Monday, 28 April 2008
Santa Maria Capua Vetere prison Mafia inmates were given medicines by guards to fake illnesses so they could be released early.
Marianna Adanti, 39, fell in love with mobster Giuseppe Laudadio while he was on remand in her prison.When he was released they got married and had a child - all with the blessing of prison department officials.However, an investigation has since revealed that during her time at Santa Maria Capua Vetere prison near Naples she gave special privileges to Laudadio's boss Michele Froncillo when he was in her jail. Other Mafia inmates were given medicines by guards to fake illnesses so they could be released early.Investigators said this all happened with the full knowledge of Adanti, who "turned a blind eye as she was madly in love with Laudadio".
Four prison doctors and several guards were also arrested. Adanti has since split from Laudadio and is now governor at another jail.
Four prison doctors and several guards were also arrested. Adanti has since split from Laudadio and is now governor at another jail.
No parole Gerlando Caruana serving a nearly 32-year sentence for drug smuggling.
Caruana, reputedly an inducted member of the Mafia in Sicily, is on a limited parole in a halfway house. Since 1998, he has been serving a nearly 32-year sentence for drug smuggling. He pleaded guilty that year to participating in a massive cocaine smuggling operation between Mexico and Canada while he was on parole from an earlier heroin smuggling conviction. As a result, the remainder of his first sentence was added to his second sentence.Caruana claims he has disconnected himself from the Mafia society. "I've made a decision to get out," he said. "It's a decision I made when I was arrested a second time."Given his past history, the parole board was skeptical.Gerlando Caruana and his brother Alfonso were both arrested as part of Canada's Project Omerta in 1998. Alfonso was sentenced to 18 years after pleading guilty to drug trafficking. He has since been extradited to Italy, where he was tried and sentenced in absentia to a 22-year prison term for a similar offense.
Italian officials say the brothers are part of the Cuntrera-Caruana Mafia organization based in Siculiana, Sicily.
Italian officials say the brothers are part of the Cuntrera-Caruana Mafia organization based in Siculiana, Sicily.
National Offender Management Service drug treatment head Huseyin Djemil said the Prison Service did not realise the extent of the drugs market inside
Prison service worker claims that the drug trade in UK prisons is worth at least £100 million.Former National Offender Management Service drug treatment head Huseyin Djemil said the Prison Service did not realise the extent of the drugs market inside jails.Speaking to BBC Radio 4’s The Investigation programme, Mr Djemil said the service needed to ‘get smarter’ in order to reduce drugs in prisons.He estimated that a worstcase scenario of 20kgs of drugs, mainly heroin was being smuggled in each week. That means more than 1,000kg a year, with a street value of £100 million.
The Government admits that more than half of the prison population are regular drugs users, which would be around 40,000 inmates.An inquiry into ways of stopping the supply of drugs getting into prisons is due to report at the end of May.
The Government admits that more than half of the prison population are regular drugs users, which would be around 40,000 inmates.An inquiry into ways of stopping the supply of drugs getting into prisons is due to report at the end of May.
Nine prisoners in a Honduran detention facility were killed
Nine prisoners in a Honduran detention facility were killed during a riot among inmates believed to be gang motivated, according to prison officials. Control of the prison, which holds about 3,000 inmates despite being designed to house 800, was regained after eight gang-affiliated prisoners and one bystander inmate were killed, El Heraldo reported Sunday. Riots and gang violence in Honduran and other Central American prisoners is common and often attributed to the chronic overcrowded conditions.
Bulgarian prison for temporary detention of illegally staying foreign citizens near Busmanci.
A riot broke up in the Bulgarian prison for temporary detention of illegally staying foreign citizens near Busmanci.Around 12 o'clock six Iraqi citizens and a few other prisoners barricaded themselves in one of the building's corridors. Shortly after that the police arrived at the scene.The prisoners set a mattress afire during the riot, but the smoke in the closed hall made them come out and surrender to the police.The rioters are six Iraqi citizens, who were to be extradited tomorrow through Hungary, then to Syria, and from there to Iraq. The Hungarian authorities denied issuing them transit visas, so the whole journey was pushed back to April 30th.Apparently the delay is the reason for the unrest. The six Iraquis were caught trying to cross Bulgaria's borders more than a month ago
Saidnaya military prison
Reports of unrest and a fire at the Saidnaya military prison underscore the need for more transparency about the conditions in Syrian prisons, human rights activists and family members of prisoners say.Numerous reports surfaced this week of disturbances at the jail, northeast of Damascus, where many political prisoners are held, but few details have been confirmed. The government has not commented on or released any information about the reports of unrest. The prison, which opened in 1987, holds an estimated 1,000 prisoners, according to rights groups, including Kurds, Islamists and democratic activists.
Mexican government released 149 political prisoners
Mexican government released 149 political prisoners in the first two weeks of April, including 37 hunger strikers, almost all of whom were indigenous people from Chiapas who had been alleging they were the victims of torture, false imprisonment for political reasons, and other abuses. Another 20 prisoners are still incarcerated in Chiapas and Tabasco, but activists have not relented in their efforts, as further abuses in and outside the prisons are coming to light. The vast majority of the freed prisoners was indigenous activists, and had been imprisoned at some point between 1994 and 2006. They were involved with social change groups such as the Zapatista Other Campaign, the Independent Agricultural Worker and Campesino Center (CIOAC in Spanish) and the Pueblo Creyente (Believing People), a group of indigenous Catholics active in social justice issues. Most of the freed men were from the Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal or Chole communities in the Chiapas region. Among the leaders who first came out were Zacario Hernandez, Enrique Hernandez, Pascual Heredia Hernandez, Jose Luis Lopez Sanchez, Ramon Guardaz Cruz and Antonio Diaz Ruiz. The Chiapas state government released the first 137 prisoners April 1 at a brief press event at the government's palace in Tuxtla Gutierrez. In a press statement issued after the second release, Secretary of the Government Juan Antonio Morales Messner said, ''The liberation of more than 100 prisoners demonstrates the clear will of the government to do justice for those who had remained in jails for crimes they did not commit.'' The freed men had been incarcerated in three prisons in Chiapas and one in nearby Tabasco. They were greeted by hundreds of supporters, mainly indigenous women, who had been holding vigils outside of each of the facilities since Feb. 12 when Zacario Hernandez Hernandez became the first prisoner to hold a hunger strike. Hernandez was well-known in the region as a deacon in San Cristobal de las Casas parish.
Roumieh prison riots one of the inmates, Ali Hassan Taleb, was transferred by judicial decree from Roumieh to Amioun prison in North Lebanon
The Roumieh riots were reportedly instigated by a group of inmates coming to the aid of Youssef Shaaban, who was in an altercation with a prison warden. Shaaban, a Palestinian, was convicted for the 1994 murder of a Jordanian diplomat. Rioting that occurred last week in the largest penitentiary center in Lebanon, Roumieh prison, had little to do with the controversial detention of four former security service chiefs for the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, Interior Minister Hassan Sabaa said Saturday.The Internal Security Forces (ISF) chief, General Ashraf Rifi, also refused to link the riots to political and legal controversy, saying the incident was motivated only by the "declared aim" of improving living conditions in the prison and reducing jail time.
According to security sources, prison administrators and Military Magistrate Jean Fahed are investigating six convicts for inciting unrest, including Youssef Shaaban, who played a central, perhaps premeditated, role in the riots. one of the inmates, Ali Hassan Taleb, was transferred by judicial decree from Roumieh to Amioun prison in North Lebanon for his role in the riots. For reasons that remain unclear, Taleb proceeded to swallow 35 blades and a pair of tweezers before being rushed by authorities to a Zghorta hospital, where he remains in critical condition.At least 70 inmates - some reports have placed the number as high as 200 - set fire to areas of the prison and took seven security personnel hostage, prompting the ISF and Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) special units to gear up for a potential raid of the area.
Negotiations were initiated between the detainees and ISF Brigadier General Antoine Shakour for fear of killing the hostages in a storming of the prison. The incident ended in the peaceful hand-over of the seven officers and the return of the rioters to their cells.Because Roumieh holds the four security chiefs and members of the Islamist militant group Fatah al-Islam, there has been speculation, downplayed by both Sabaa and Rifi, regarding possible political motivations for the riots.
Government officials and security officers have sought to minimize this speculation, saying that initial investigations confirm that these riots resulted from dissatisfaction with prison terms and living conditions.The government, including Sabaa, has promised to assess the demands of inmates and examine the living conditions in Lebanese penitentiaries, which have witnessed several similar riots over the past few years.Roumieh prison also saw rioting in 1998, when inmates protesting crowded conditions and poor treatment took five prison wards hostage, and in 2004, when Islamists detained for Dinniyeh clashes with the LAF in 2000 rebelled against cell conditions at the prison. The Roumieh prison is the largest detention center in Lebanon and was built some 40 years ago with the capacity to retain 1,000 inmates. Conditions at Roumieh, which currently holds around 3,000 convicted criminals and individuals awaiting trial, have been criticized by local and international NGOs.Calm returned to Lebanon's largest prison a day after scores of inmates set their clothes on fire and took guards hostage to demand better conditions and reduced sentences.Seven policemen who were taken hostage were released early Friday after nine hours of negotiations between senior police officers and representatives of the rioting inmates at Roumieh prison, according to a police statement.
The prisoners returned to their cells amid tight security to prevent additional rioting.Thursday's riots began when prisoners attacked their guards and took some of them hostage, the officials said. Some of the 200 rioting prisoners set their clothes on fire and black smoke was seen billowing from the building for some time.
The Roumieh prison was built 40 years ago to hold 1,000 inmates, but more than 3,000 are currently held there.
According to security sources, prison administrators and Military Magistrate Jean Fahed are investigating six convicts for inciting unrest, including Youssef Shaaban, who played a central, perhaps premeditated, role in the riots. one of the inmates, Ali Hassan Taleb, was transferred by judicial decree from Roumieh to Amioun prison in North Lebanon for his role in the riots. For reasons that remain unclear, Taleb proceeded to swallow 35 blades and a pair of tweezers before being rushed by authorities to a Zghorta hospital, where he remains in critical condition.At least 70 inmates - some reports have placed the number as high as 200 - set fire to areas of the prison and took seven security personnel hostage, prompting the ISF and Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) special units to gear up for a potential raid of the area.
Negotiations were initiated between the detainees and ISF Brigadier General Antoine Shakour for fear of killing the hostages in a storming of the prison. The incident ended in the peaceful hand-over of the seven officers and the return of the rioters to their cells.Because Roumieh holds the four security chiefs and members of the Islamist militant group Fatah al-Islam, there has been speculation, downplayed by both Sabaa and Rifi, regarding possible political motivations for the riots.
Government officials and security officers have sought to minimize this speculation, saying that initial investigations confirm that these riots resulted from dissatisfaction with prison terms and living conditions.The government, including Sabaa, has promised to assess the demands of inmates and examine the living conditions in Lebanese penitentiaries, which have witnessed several similar riots over the past few years.Roumieh prison also saw rioting in 1998, when inmates protesting crowded conditions and poor treatment took five prison wards hostage, and in 2004, when Islamists detained for Dinniyeh clashes with the LAF in 2000 rebelled against cell conditions at the prison. The Roumieh prison is the largest detention center in Lebanon and was built some 40 years ago with the capacity to retain 1,000 inmates. Conditions at Roumieh, which currently holds around 3,000 convicted criminals and individuals awaiting trial, have been criticized by local and international NGOs.Calm returned to Lebanon's largest prison a day after scores of inmates set their clothes on fire and took guards hostage to demand better conditions and reduced sentences.Seven policemen who were taken hostage were released early Friday after nine hours of negotiations between senior police officers and representatives of the rioting inmates at Roumieh prison, according to a police statement.
The prisoners returned to their cells amid tight security to prevent additional rioting.Thursday's riots began when prisoners attacked their guards and took some of them hostage, the officials said. Some of the 200 rioting prisoners set their clothes on fire and black smoke was seen billowing from the building for some time.
The Roumieh prison was built 40 years ago to hold 1,000 inmates, but more than 3,000 are currently held there.
Thika prison “The conditions of living of both prisoners and warders are deplorable but we are committed to improve them.”
The warders also asked colleagues to remove their families from prison quarters in readiness for possible violent confrontation with the authorities. Police also announced that they were ready for a face-off with the warders who could be armed.
Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka appointed his predecessor, Moody Awori, to head the eight-member team which includes former prisons commissioner Abraham Kamakil.
The crisis in Kenya’s correctional institutions was set to deepen Sunday after striking prison warders rejected a team set up to look into their grievances.
But on Sunday, warders in 93 prisons across the country claimed that Awori did nothing to uplift their living conditions when he was in charge. Labour minister John Munyes and Cotu secretary-general Francis Atwoli also rejected the Awori team, saying it was not representative.Munyes regretted that his ministry had been left out of the team, yet it had the mandate to handle all labour issues between employers and workers. He called for reforms in the prisons department that would focus on the warders.Said Atwoli: “How can Mr Musyoka appoint Mr Awori to head the committee to look into the warders’ grievances while he was part of the problem? He was more interested in reforming the prisoners at the expense of warders.” The Cotu boss asked Musyoka to reconstitute the committee and include representatives from the trade unions, the Federation of Kenya Employers and the Ministry of Labour. The warders also accused Awori and Kamakil of being more interested in improving the welfare of prisoners at their expense.Leaders of the go-slow, which started on Thursday, told their colleagues via short text messages (SMS): “To our loyal colleagues living with their families in these rags, you are advised to arrange and transport your families home before Wednesday as the war is just about to start. No retreat, no surrender.”
On Sunday, Musyoka came face-to-face with warders’ squalid living conditions when he visited Thika prison. “The conditions of living of both prisoners and warders are deplorable but we are committed to improve them.” He appealed to warders to resume their duties today as the Government awaits a report by the Awori team.
The warders grievances include risk allowance which is being enjoyed by the regular and administration police, non-payment of stipend for their participation in quelling post-election violence, and failure to supply them with uniforms. They also questioning the whereabouts of Sh25 million deducted from their pay for the construction of Magereza Academy in Naivasha since the project is yet to start.
Justice minister Martha Karua said the grievances were genuine and were “part of the things that have been neglected for years by former regimes”. She said Kibaki had been in power for ‘‘short time compared to the decades of fornmer regimes.’’ Speaking in Nyeri, the minister asked the officers to give the Government time to address the issue.
The strike has adversely affected the justice system as remand prisoners have not been taken to court for the hearing of their cases. Police spokesman Eric Kiraithe said they had put in place contingency measures to deal with possible public protests by warders. It emerged Sunday that the Government failed to respond to warnings from the prison authorities over a crisis fuelled by the Sh10,000 stipend.
Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka appointed his predecessor, Moody Awori, to head the eight-member team which includes former prisons commissioner Abraham Kamakil.
The crisis in Kenya’s correctional institutions was set to deepen Sunday after striking prison warders rejected a team set up to look into their grievances.
But on Sunday, warders in 93 prisons across the country claimed that Awori did nothing to uplift their living conditions when he was in charge. Labour minister John Munyes and Cotu secretary-general Francis Atwoli also rejected the Awori team, saying it was not representative.Munyes regretted that his ministry had been left out of the team, yet it had the mandate to handle all labour issues between employers and workers. He called for reforms in the prisons department that would focus on the warders.Said Atwoli: “How can Mr Musyoka appoint Mr Awori to head the committee to look into the warders’ grievances while he was part of the problem? He was more interested in reforming the prisoners at the expense of warders.” The Cotu boss asked Musyoka to reconstitute the committee and include representatives from the trade unions, the Federation of Kenya Employers and the Ministry of Labour. The warders also accused Awori and Kamakil of being more interested in improving the welfare of prisoners at their expense.Leaders of the go-slow, which started on Thursday, told their colleagues via short text messages (SMS): “To our loyal colleagues living with their families in these rags, you are advised to arrange and transport your families home before Wednesday as the war is just about to start. No retreat, no surrender.”
On Sunday, Musyoka came face-to-face with warders’ squalid living conditions when he visited Thika prison. “The conditions of living of both prisoners and warders are deplorable but we are committed to improve them.” He appealed to warders to resume their duties today as the Government awaits a report by the Awori team.
The warders grievances include risk allowance which is being enjoyed by the regular and administration police, non-payment of stipend for their participation in quelling post-election violence, and failure to supply them with uniforms. They also questioning the whereabouts of Sh25 million deducted from their pay for the construction of Magereza Academy in Naivasha since the project is yet to start.
Justice minister Martha Karua said the grievances were genuine and were “part of the things that have been neglected for years by former regimes”. She said Kibaki had been in power for ‘‘short time compared to the decades of fornmer regimes.’’ Speaking in Nyeri, the minister asked the officers to give the Government time to address the issue.
The strike has adversely affected the justice system as remand prisoners have not been taken to court for the hearing of their cases. Police spokesman Eric Kiraithe said they had put in place contingency measures to deal with possible public protests by warders. It emerged Sunday that the Government failed to respond to warnings from the prison authorities over a crisis fuelled by the Sh10,000 stipend.
Naivasha Prison riots
Warders in Naivasha Prison were forced to fire at more than 700 death row convicts as chaos broke out in the maximum facility on Friday night.For the better part of the night, screams, alarms and bullets rang in the institution as fear gripped the town.A heavy security cordon was thrown around the prison as fears heightened that the hardcore criminals could break out.During the five-hour drama, warders who had earlier in the day downed their tools, responded fast and moved in to quell the unrest.Trouble started in the evening when the convicts from Block B refused to enter their cells alleging that they were in support of the striking warders.But things got out of hand when the inmates cut off power, throwing the institution in darkness.Chaos ensued as the inmates ganged up and tried to demolish the perimeter wall.It was then that the warders opened fire on the group. Screams rent the air as traders in the town closed their businesses.The Officer-in-Charge, Mr Patrick Mwenda, said the officers had used rubber bullets to contain the inmates.
"It was madness but our officers responded well and we have managed to put things back to order," he said.Naivasha Officer Commanding Police Division, Mr Willy Lugusa, and senior officers from the anti-stock theft unit visited the institution as security officers were put on high alert.In Nakuru, more than 400 warders who had gone on strike vowed to continue on Monday if their grievances were not addressed.
They vowed to make good their threat to release prisoners to force the Government to improve their conditions.The officer in-charge, Mr Bernard Ngonini, however said normal services had resumed at the facility.At Kibos Prison in Kisumu, which hosts 800 long serving and death row convicts, warders have threatened to free inmates tomorrow if their grievances are not urgently addressed.Most of the warders, who donned civilian clothes, said they would only change into their uniforms if they were assured of their allowances.Their counterparts in Kodiaga and Kisii issued similar threats. They said they would paralyse operations tomorrow if a solution would not have been found.The officers entered the second day of the strike as they demanded risk allowances."How can prisoners live better than us? We live in pathetic houses," said an officer at Kibos.He said some convicts had expressed willingness to join their strike."They are in solidarity with us. One even asked me why I do not own a TV, yet he can watch several programmes on the prison's set," the warder told The Sunday Standard.Meanwhile, a non-governmental organisation has advised the Government to release some prisoners to ease the burden of striking warders.Legal Resource Foundation Executive Director, Ms Jedidah Wakonyo, warned that the officers' strike would have far reaching effects.She said the welfare of the over 42,000 prisoners was at stake in the face of the continued go-slow.Wakonyo said a presidential amnesty was required to decongest the prisons, adding that most inmates should have been handed non-custodial sentences.Separately, the Anglican Church of Kenya leaders want President Kibaki to address the warders' grievances.The clergy said the officers had a valid point.Bishops Mwai Abiero (Maseno South), Simon Oketch (Maseno North), Beneah Salala (Mumias) and Rev Kenneth Wachianga of Siaya accused Vice-President, Mr Kalonzo Musyoka, for "ignoring the warder's strike yet the prison department falls under his docket".
"It was madness but our officers responded well and we have managed to put things back to order," he said.Naivasha Officer Commanding Police Division, Mr Willy Lugusa, and senior officers from the anti-stock theft unit visited the institution as security officers were put on high alert.In Nakuru, more than 400 warders who had gone on strike vowed to continue on Monday if their grievances were not addressed.
They vowed to make good their threat to release prisoners to force the Government to improve their conditions.The officer in-charge, Mr Bernard Ngonini, however said normal services had resumed at the facility.At Kibos Prison in Kisumu, which hosts 800 long serving and death row convicts, warders have threatened to free inmates tomorrow if their grievances are not urgently addressed.Most of the warders, who donned civilian clothes, said they would only change into their uniforms if they were assured of their allowances.Their counterparts in Kodiaga and Kisii issued similar threats. They said they would paralyse operations tomorrow if a solution would not have been found.The officers entered the second day of the strike as they demanded risk allowances."How can prisoners live better than us? We live in pathetic houses," said an officer at Kibos.He said some convicts had expressed willingness to join their strike."They are in solidarity with us. One even asked me why I do not own a TV, yet he can watch several programmes on the prison's set," the warder told The Sunday Standard.Meanwhile, a non-governmental organisation has advised the Government to release some prisoners to ease the burden of striking warders.Legal Resource Foundation Executive Director, Ms Jedidah Wakonyo, warned that the officers' strike would have far reaching effects.She said the welfare of the over 42,000 prisoners was at stake in the face of the continued go-slow.Wakonyo said a presidential amnesty was required to decongest the prisons, adding that most inmates should have been handed non-custodial sentences.Separately, the Anglican Church of Kenya leaders want President Kibaki to address the warders' grievances.The clergy said the officers had a valid point.Bishops Mwai Abiero (Maseno South), Simon Oketch (Maseno North), Beneah Salala (Mumias) and Rev Kenneth Wachianga of Siaya accused Vice-President, Mr Kalonzo Musyoka, for "ignoring the warder's strike yet the prison department falls under his docket".
Carandiru Penitentiary, Brazil
The granddaddy of violent prisons. In 1992 a gun-battle ended with 102 inmates shot dead and there are innumerable eye-watering tales of gang warfare, murder and beatings by both inmates and prison guards. Walter Erwin Hoffgen, the head of the prison, summed up his problems neatly: "Of course I don't have control of the situation. It would be ridiculous to say I did. The prison has 7,500 inmates and only about 1,000 prison officers, divided into four shifts." It was reported that the medical director of the facility was too scared to even set foot in the prison for several years. Almost one of every five in the prison's health wing was diagnosed with HIV and “luxuries” such as anaesthetics for surgery were routinely denied. There was only one way to bring the notorious facility under control. In 2002 it was razed to the ground.
La Santé prison, France
When she accepted the job of prison doctor in Paris’s most feared jail, Dr Veronique Vasseur had an idea that she may encounter one or two distasteful incidents. But within her first couple of days she was appalled to meet inmates so deranged or depressed that they had swallowed rat poison, forks and drain cleaner. In 1999 alone, 124 inmates committed suicide in La Santé. By comparison there were just 24 suicides in the entire jail population of California that year. When Dr Vasseur wrote a book exposing conditions inside the jail, France was shocked to hear quite why so many inmates had chosen to kill themselves. Prisoners would stuff their clothes in the cracks in their cells to keep the rats out and most of the mattresses were full of lice and bigger insects. Some of the weaker prisoners had been turned into slaves by their cellmates and systematic rape and the detention of young offenders in cells with seasoned criminals was common. Islamic militants, Basque separatists and past inmates such as Carlos the Jackal were recently joined by the rogue trader Jerome Kerviel.
Tadmor military prison, Syria

Tadmor military prison, Syria Faraj Beraqdar, a Syrian poet, and five-year inmate, described Tadmor military prison as: “The kingdom of death and madness.” Human Rights Watch has been a little less eloquent but no less damning on the terrifying facility. It concluded: “Tadmor military prison [is] infamous throughout Syria for the extremely brutal abuses. . . gross human rights abuses have occurred at Tadmor military prison since the early 1980s, from deaths under torture to summary executions on a massive scale.”
Reports of the violent demise of prisoners includes being cut up into small pieces with an axe, being roped and then dragged to death or just being savagely beaten with metal pipes.
Nairobi prison, Kenya
Around 4,000 near naked inmates are crammed together on the floors of this maze of chain-link fences and razor wire, which has a notional capacity of just 800 inmates.
In one dormitory 250 prisoners have been recorded sharing five mattresses. Food, clothes and medical provisions are in short supply as the daily budget is $0.30 per prisoner.
In one dormitory 250 prisoners have been recorded sharing five mattresses. Food, clothes and medical provisions are in short supply as the daily budget is $0.30 per prisoner.
Mendoza prison, Argentina
Mendoza prison, ArgentinaIn 2004, Amnesty estimated that the prison with an official capacity of 600 was crammed with 1,600 inmates in insanitary conditions.
The inadequate sewage and drainage facilities meant the cells were teeming with rodents and the potentially fatal tropical illness Chagas disease was rife.
In the isolation area, Amnesty found that overcrowded prisoners had no access to showers and were forced to defecate and urinate in plastic bags in front of each other. The women’s wing was no worse but caused more concern since many of the inmates were mothers and had their children living in misery alongside them.
The inadequate sewage and drainage facilities meant the cells were teeming with rodents and the potentially fatal tropical illness Chagas disease was rife.
In the isolation area, Amnesty found that overcrowded prisoners had no access to showers and were forced to defecate and urinate in plastic bags in front of each other. The women’s wing was no worse but caused more concern since many of the inmates were mothers and had their children living in misery alongside them.
Diyarbakir prison, Turkey
Diyarbakir prison, TurkeyThe overcrowded, sewage-flooded hallways have a fine pedigree of infamy. In the 19th century, Diyarbakır prison was known throughout the Ottoman Empire as the home of harsh and feared sentences given to political prisoners or members of the enslaved Balkan region who dared to speak out against their rulers. More recently a series of hunger strikes carried out by prisoners claiming they were routinely tortured were brutally put down.
A UN study published in the mid-1990s described 300 prisoners being dragged along the prison corridors where they were beaten with truncheons, iron bars, chains and clubs.
A UN study published in the mid-1990s described 300 prisoners being dragged along the prison corridors where they were beaten with truncheons, iron bars, chains and clubs.
Camp Delta, Cuba
One of the inmates still wearing the iconic, orange all-in-ones is Omar Khadr, 21. The Canadian has been incarcerated in the military facility at Guantanamo Bay since he was just 15-years-old. Along with around 270 fellow detainees Omar has been been forced to wear a blindfold, handcuffs, mask, manacles and leg clamps – after six years he is still waiting to hear if he will face a trial.
Technically, of course, Camp Delta is not a prison. It is a high-security detention camp where the US holds "enemy combatants". As a result these men do not qualify for the human rights usually afforded to convicted inmates or prisoners of war.
Technically, of course, Camp Delta is not a prison. It is a high-security detention camp where the US holds "enemy combatants". As a result these men do not qualify for the human rights usually afforded to convicted inmates or prisoners of war.
Bangkwang jail, Thailand
Tempted to take a little marijuana on your fortnight package tour of Thailand? It may be unwise unless you want to end up in the infamous “Bangkok Hotel”. In recent years the prison's population has trebled to 7,000 and the guards are out-numbered 50-1. Every inmate there is serving more than 25 years and for the first three months of their sentence each is forced to wear leg irons. Inside Building 10, prisoners are held in solitary confinement in pitch-black cells two metres square wearing “elephant chains” for months on end.
“Thai prisons are tough," says Director of Prisons Khun Nattee in a superfluous warning to tourists. "You don't want to be in Bangkwang."
“Thai prisons are tough," says Director of Prisons Khun Nattee in a superfluous warning to tourists. "You don't want to be in Bangkwang."
Black Beach, Equatorial Guinea
Amnesty International describes incarceration in this Malabo prison as "a slow, lingering death sentence". Torture, including burning and beating the soles of the feet, is systematic and brutal. The jail, which counts Old Etonian Simon Mann among its inmates, has food rations so meagre that starvation is one of the regular causes of death. Rats scurry around the filthy floors amid overflowing buckets of excrement but medical care is denied for the numerous endemic diseases. Any claims the prison authorities may have clung to that they controlled this infamous jail were destroyed in 1994 when a gun battle left 108 prisoners dead. This was no isolated incident. In the following year there was no famous shoot-out but another 196 prisoners died and 624 were injured in smaller outbreaks of violence. Three years after the worst of the violence a cholera outbreak struck almost 700 of the surviving inmates.
Monday, 24 March 2008
Britain has a long and often-notorious prison history.
In February, Her Majesty's Prisons were officially full.For the first time in the history of British jails, the prison service was under pressure to lock its gates to keep criminals out. All 81,972 jail cells, police station detention cells and court holding cells were full. On one night in late February, there were 96 other prisoners crammed into spaces not normally deemed safe to confine offenders.The pressure on cell space was so great that Justice Secretary Jack Straw asked magistrates to stop sentencing offenders to short jail terms when non-custodial punishments would do. His plea did little more than attract a stern glare from magistrates as their association expressed displeasure with attempts to apply "pressure" on the bench.Meanwhile, pressure on jail cells forced government officials to look for more creative solutions. Less- dangerous inmates were transferred to "open prisons" and a new policy was initiated to deport foreign inmates sooner.Plans were also being considered to extend an already controversial early-release program even further. Since June 2007, the End of Custody Licence scheme has released 16,000 prisoners 18 days before the half-way point in their sentences. Pushing that forward to 30 days would free up hundreds of prison beds. But it would also make the government look soft on crime. The fact that one of the 16,000 allegedly went on to commit a murder hasn't made the scheme any more palatable.Greater use of bail with electronic tagging for suspects, less re-incarceration for parole violations and locking up fewer prisoners indefinitely to protect the public are also being considered, as is the release of inmates sentenced to longer jail time under old laws.The other obvious solution -- build more jails -- is already in the works. Straw pledged in 2007 to build 14,000 more prison places by 2014, including as many as three huge facilities housing 2,500 prisoners each. Unfortunately, that will bring the United Kingdom's jail capacity to about 96,000, about 4,000 less than the predicted prison population by then.
Wormwood Scrubs and Pentonville in London, Dartmoor in Devon and Parkhurst in the Isle of Wight have sent shivers down the spines of criminals since the early 1800s. Dartmoor was built for French and American prisoners during the Napoleonic Wars.
Pentonville housed young male offenders being ready for transportation to Australia. All have been modernized and expanded over the centuries, and 11 of Britain's jails have even been privatized. But they have failed to keep up with the demand.
The source of the pressure on the prison system is disputed. Some blame the influx of bogus asylum seekers who are said to be criminals from Eastern Europe, the Middle East and North Africa looking for more lucrative targets.
Wormwood Scrubs and Pentonville in London, Dartmoor in Devon and Parkhurst in the Isle of Wight have sent shivers down the spines of criminals since the early 1800s. Dartmoor was built for French and American prisoners during the Napoleonic Wars.
Pentonville housed young male offenders being ready for transportation to Australia. All have been modernized and expanded over the centuries, and 11 of Britain's jails have even been privatized. But they have failed to keep up with the demand.
The source of the pressure on the prison system is disputed. Some blame the influx of bogus asylum seekers who are said to be criminals from Eastern Europe, the Middle East and North Africa looking for more lucrative targets.
we like locking people up
Forensic mental health services are under pressure as New Zealand's prison population continues to grow.The Canterbury District Health Board's chief of psychiatry, Professor Phil Brinded, said forensic services nationwide were under-resourced to deal with growing prison musters.The board was waiting to hear from the Government on whether its requests for more resources would be met.Department of Corrections figures put the country's prison population at 7637 and Canterbury's at 1191.New Zealand's incarceration rate saw about 180 people out of every 100,000 jailed, suggesting "we like locking people up", Brinded said."If we are prepared to incarcerate so many people, then given other changes in mental health care, we are about to run into difficulty in terms of providing care in the prison system."
In Canterbury, Hillmorton Hospital has a secure ward with 15 beds for inmates on remand, a nine-bed, long-stay secure ward and an open rehabilitation unit.
A team of nurses, social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists provide care in the wards and at the region's jails.A study of 1400 prisoners found mental illness rates, especially cases of schizophrenia, bipolar disorder and depression, were significantly higher in jails than in the community.Schizophrenia affected about 0.1 per cent of the community, but over 4 per cent of females and 2.2 per cent of males in jail.The study concluded that about 200 inmates nationwide needed hospital treatment for their mental illnesses but that the forensic service's 200 beds were already full."We could fill the forensic beds all over again," Brinded said.
Canterbury's forensic service did not have a waiting list, but other regions, such as Auckland, where 19 people waited for beds, did.A trial of a national screening programme, to identify on arrival prisoners with mental health problems, could exacerbate the problem.
In Canterbury, Hillmorton Hospital has a secure ward with 15 beds for inmates on remand, a nine-bed, long-stay secure ward and an open rehabilitation unit.
A team of nurses, social workers, psychologists and psychiatrists provide care in the wards and at the region's jails.A study of 1400 prisoners found mental illness rates, especially cases of schizophrenia, bipolar disorder and depression, were significantly higher in jails than in the community.Schizophrenia affected about 0.1 per cent of the community, but over 4 per cent of females and 2.2 per cent of males in jail.The study concluded that about 200 inmates nationwide needed hospital treatment for their mental illnesses but that the forensic service's 200 beds were already full."We could fill the forensic beds all over again," Brinded said.
Canterbury's forensic service did not have a waiting list, but other regions, such as Auckland, where 19 people waited for beds, did.A trial of a national screening programme, to identify on arrival prisoners with mental health problems, could exacerbate the problem.
Hotel-like conditions that include television and public telephones in prisons
Hotel-like conditions that include television and public telephones in prisons are costing millions of rands and posing security risks, Parliament's correctional services committee heard on Tuesday.
"These criminals are watching TV the whole day, Muvhango, 7de Laan.
"Why are we not taking all those TVs and putting them in state hospitals so that the people there can forget about their sickness?" asked committee chairman Dennis Bloem. "We are concerned about the privileges that these murderers are enjoying."
Telephones were allowing inmates with connections to organised crime syndicates to communicate with them, creating a security risk for the country, he said.
Bloem appealed to the Public Servants Association (PSA) to put the matter on its agenda. PSA chairperson for correctional services Pierre Snyman said there were no control measures in place to ensure that different categories of prisoners were granted their share of privileges, like recreation time and telephone calls.
This and lack of staff meant there was no enforcement of the rule stipulating that, for example, a high-risk "C" category prisoner may have only one telephone call a month, while a lower-risk "A" category one was allowed 12. Snyman acknowledged that prisoners had "many, many" privileges, including "luxurious rooms".
"At some of the prisons, the communities are saying that they are like hotels. I don't want to go as far as saying that, but it is luxurious."
He said a system had to be developed to ensure that prisoners worked harder and contributed more to rehabilitation programmes before they could be granted more privileges. "They must be in a position to explain to officials what they have learnt from or contributed to the rehabilitation programmes."
Bloom noted that during oversight visits to prisons, warders often complained of feeling more like inmates while prisoners saw themselves as officials.
"They think that they have more rights than prison officials."
Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union general secretary Abbey Witbooi said that lack of training meant that warders did not make use of their authority.
He said their members didn't understand that they had the authority, which they had to exercise." He said it was difficult to delimit rights for different categories of offenders as prisons were a "mixed bag" and there were no strict control measures.
"Everybody is thrown into the same section, so how do you determine who's got this right and who's got that right? One rotten potato will affect the whole bag."
"These criminals are watching TV the whole day, Muvhango, 7de Laan.
"Why are we not taking all those TVs and putting them in state hospitals so that the people there can forget about their sickness?" asked committee chairman Dennis Bloem. "We are concerned about the privileges that these murderers are enjoying."
Telephones were allowing inmates with connections to organised crime syndicates to communicate with them, creating a security risk for the country, he said.
Bloem appealed to the Public Servants Association (PSA) to put the matter on its agenda. PSA chairperson for correctional services Pierre Snyman said there were no control measures in place to ensure that different categories of prisoners were granted their share of privileges, like recreation time and telephone calls.
This and lack of staff meant there was no enforcement of the rule stipulating that, for example, a high-risk "C" category prisoner may have only one telephone call a month, while a lower-risk "A" category one was allowed 12. Snyman acknowledged that prisoners had "many, many" privileges, including "luxurious rooms".
"At some of the prisons, the communities are saying that they are like hotels. I don't want to go as far as saying that, but it is luxurious."
He said a system had to be developed to ensure that prisoners worked harder and contributed more to rehabilitation programmes before they could be granted more privileges. "They must be in a position to explain to officials what they have learnt from or contributed to the rehabilitation programmes."
Bloom noted that during oversight visits to prisons, warders often complained of feeling more like inmates while prisoners saw themselves as officials.
"They think that they have more rights than prison officials."
Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union general secretary Abbey Witbooi said that lack of training meant that warders did not make use of their authority.
He said their members didn't understand that they had the authority, which they had to exercise." He said it was difficult to delimit rights for different categories of offenders as prisons were a "mixed bag" and there were no strict control measures.
"Everybody is thrown into the same section, so how do you determine who's got this right and who's got that right? One rotten potato will affect the whole bag."
Conditions of detained in various jails of the state particularly Kotbalwal is reportedly pathetic.
The conditions of detained in various jails of the state particularly Kotbalwal is reportedly pathetic. The condition of ‘325 prisoners mostly Kashmiris that have been detained under Public Safety Act, with fifteen having lost their mental balance has genuinely caused concern to the civil society. The stories of pain and agony of prisoners in the Jammu jail made the Kashmir High Court Bar Association to file a writ petition in the High Court seeking its intervention in the matter. The High Court had admitted the petition and allowed the Bar team to visit jails and provide legal assistance to the detainees if needed. It was highly condemnable that the Bar members were not allowed to enter the jail premises and a hostile situation threatening their lives was created for them. The Bar members not only had legal mandate to enter the jail premises and meet the prisoners but it in a sense it also represented the High Court. Preventing the lawyers from entering into the jails speaks volumes about the conditions inside the jail. The action of jail authorities authenticated the reports appearing in the press about the treatment meted to detainees. It also substantiated the reports that they were deprived of basic facilities and medical care. The pitiable condition of inmates in the Jammu jail should wake up the Chief Minister to the realities about the human rights situation in the state. There is need for instituting a high level team for inquiring into the conditions prevailing inside the Jammu jail. The government should also probe into the Monday incidents outside the Jail that had threatened life of the Bar members.
Lawyers staged a demonstration against the plight of detainees in Indian jails
Lawyers in Indian administered Kashmir Wednesday staged a demonstration against the plight of detainees in Indian jails and demanded their transfer to Kashmir.
The lawyers marched along the busy Residency Road in summer capital Srinagar, shouting slogans against India.
The lawyers, who had chained themselves, were also raising slogans against right wing Hindu groups, responsible for recent attack on lawyers in Jammu.
On Monday a delegation of Kashmir High Court Bar Association on its visit to jails in Jammu province was attacked by activists of Hindu extremist group Shiv Sena and members of Hindu Parsharam Youth Club outside Kotbalwal jail.
The delegation led by Bar President Nazir Ahmad Ronga alleged that the goons were hired by police to prevent lawyers form visiting the jail.
The activists prevented the lawyers from entering the jail premises. The Bar is on a strike over the issue for the last two days, demanding action against Superintendent Kotbalwal jail and hindu activists.
“Attack on visiting Bar delegation is clear indication that the treatment meted out to the detainees in outside jails is not fair. The government has something to hide, otherwise it won’t have attacked the lawyers,” said a lawyer in the protest.
The Bar Association has obtained orders from the Jammu and Kashmir High Court to visit jails in New Delhi, Rajasthan, Jodhpur, Kathua, Ampala, Udhampur and many other prisons to assess the situation of the Kashmiri detainees.
However Bar has decided to continue with its jail visit programme and have said that such threats would not lower their pledge to fight for the rights of Kashmiri detainees.
The Kashmir High Court Bar Association is contemplating to file a petition in the High Court seeking transfer of Kashmiri detainees from outside prisons into the Valley jails. Meanwhile, the moderate faction of Kashmiri separatist alliance Hurriyat Conference also took out a procession to protest attack on lawyers and plight of Kashmiri detainees.
The lawyers marched along the busy Residency Road in summer capital Srinagar, shouting slogans against India.
The lawyers, who had chained themselves, were also raising slogans against right wing Hindu groups, responsible for recent attack on lawyers in Jammu.
On Monday a delegation of Kashmir High Court Bar Association on its visit to jails in Jammu province was attacked by activists of Hindu extremist group Shiv Sena and members of Hindu Parsharam Youth Club outside Kotbalwal jail.
The delegation led by Bar President Nazir Ahmad Ronga alleged that the goons were hired by police to prevent lawyers form visiting the jail.
The activists prevented the lawyers from entering the jail premises. The Bar is on a strike over the issue for the last two days, demanding action against Superintendent Kotbalwal jail and hindu activists.
“Attack on visiting Bar delegation is clear indication that the treatment meted out to the detainees in outside jails is not fair. The government has something to hide, otherwise it won’t have attacked the lawyers,” said a lawyer in the protest.
The Bar Association has obtained orders from the Jammu and Kashmir High Court to visit jails in New Delhi, Rajasthan, Jodhpur, Kathua, Ampala, Udhampur and many other prisons to assess the situation of the Kashmiri detainees.
However Bar has decided to continue with its jail visit programme and have said that such threats would not lower their pledge to fight for the rights of Kashmiri detainees.
The Kashmir High Court Bar Association is contemplating to file a petition in the High Court seeking transfer of Kashmiri detainees from outside prisons into the Valley jails. Meanwhile, the moderate faction of Kashmiri separatist alliance Hurriyat Conference also took out a procession to protest attack on lawyers and plight of Kashmiri detainees.
Last year, armed robber John Daly, an inmate at Portlaoise, County Laois, Ireland, called a radio phone-in from his prison cell using a stolen mobile.
Last year, 748 handsets were discovered in Scotland's jails - a 32 per cent rise on 2006. The numbers have soared as mobiles get smaller and easier to smuggle into cells. The statistics raise serious questions about security in our prisons.
Former prisons watchdog Clive Fairweather said: "It is a worry for the public that people could be threatening or intimidating witnesses. "They could also be organising escapes or running their own businesses from inside prison." 81 mobiles were found in Barlinnie, Glasgow, in 2007, compared with just 26 the previous year. 122 were confiscated from Saughton, Edinburgh.
115 were seized in Perth Prison. For the first time ever, phones were taken off inmates in Peterhead and Cornton Vale jails. In nine months, 177 mobiles were recovered at the open prisons at Castle Huntly, Dundee, and Noranside, in Angus.
The problem first emerged when Fairweather was HM Chief Inspector of Prisons from 1994 to 2002. In his final year in the job, 26 mobiles were found in Scotland's 18 jails. By 2006, the figure had risen to 568.
Fairweather said: "Mobile phones have always been banned from going into prisons for a variety of very good reasons. "Most of the communications when prisoners are in there are monitored on official phones. "They all know that and that keeps criminal activity from prisons down to a minimum." The former inspector said the figures reflect the fact that both the number of mobiles in circulation and the number of people behind bars are at a record high. But he added: "I would have thought that the technology exists to increase the finds.
"There will be other phones and perhaps they might consider introducing some form of monitoring that would indicate whether phones were being used. "Protection of the public has got to override everything."
Tory justice spokesman Bill Aitken said the findings raised serious questions.
The Glasgow MSP said: "I suppose that drug businesses have to be run albeit when the drug trafficker is locked up. "If phones can get in, so can drugs and I would like to know what the Scottish Prison Service is doing about it."
A senior detective described the use of mobiles behind bars as a "massive problem".
But the officer said he was heartened by the numbers being intercepted.
He added: "If a person is serving a custodial sentence, you would hope his ability to communicate and influence matters outside is curtailed.
Years ago, a phone was the size of a house brick. Now phones are so tiny they can slip into any small pocket. "It is very, very difficult now to be absolutely convinced that you have got everything off someone."
Jim Dawson, assistant secretary of the Prison Officers' Association, said: "I think the public will be surprised at the figures. I am a bit taken aback that they are so high." Dawson called on the Scottish government to do more to stamp out the illegal mobiles. He said: "The prison population is going to get bigger year on year.
"If we want to stamp out this problem, we require an investment that will give us the latest technology which, at the turn of a switch, can make these mobiles useless." Prisoner numbers in Scotland this week reached a record high of 8045.
A Scottish Prisons Service spokesman said: "The number of mobile phones found in prison is reflective of the cost and availability of mobile phones in society, as well as the number of prisoners, especially short-term and remand, passing through prisons. "The SPS spends considerable resources in tackling the introduction of illicit items into prisons. "We will continue to take advantage of new and developing technologies in tackling this serious issue."
Last year, armed robber John Daly, an inmate at Portlaoise, County Laois, Ireland, called a radio phone-in from his prison cell using a stolen mobile. It triggered a huge sweep of the jail which resulted in the seizure of mobiles, SIM cards, drugs, syringes, home-made booze and a live budgie.
Former prisons watchdog Clive Fairweather said: "It is a worry for the public that people could be threatening or intimidating witnesses. "They could also be organising escapes or running their own businesses from inside prison." 81 mobiles were found in Barlinnie, Glasgow, in 2007, compared with just 26 the previous year. 122 were confiscated from Saughton, Edinburgh.
115 were seized in Perth Prison. For the first time ever, phones were taken off inmates in Peterhead and Cornton Vale jails. In nine months, 177 mobiles were recovered at the open prisons at Castle Huntly, Dundee, and Noranside, in Angus.
The problem first emerged when Fairweather was HM Chief Inspector of Prisons from 1994 to 2002. In his final year in the job, 26 mobiles were found in Scotland's 18 jails. By 2006, the figure had risen to 568.
Fairweather said: "Mobile phones have always been banned from going into prisons for a variety of very good reasons. "Most of the communications when prisoners are in there are monitored on official phones. "They all know that and that keeps criminal activity from prisons down to a minimum." The former inspector said the figures reflect the fact that both the number of mobiles in circulation and the number of people behind bars are at a record high. But he added: "I would have thought that the technology exists to increase the finds.
"There will be other phones and perhaps they might consider introducing some form of monitoring that would indicate whether phones were being used. "Protection of the public has got to override everything."
Tory justice spokesman Bill Aitken said the findings raised serious questions.
The Glasgow MSP said: "I suppose that drug businesses have to be run albeit when the drug trafficker is locked up. "If phones can get in, so can drugs and I would like to know what the Scottish Prison Service is doing about it."
A senior detective described the use of mobiles behind bars as a "massive problem".
But the officer said he was heartened by the numbers being intercepted.
He added: "If a person is serving a custodial sentence, you would hope his ability to communicate and influence matters outside is curtailed.
Years ago, a phone was the size of a house brick. Now phones are so tiny they can slip into any small pocket. "It is very, very difficult now to be absolutely convinced that you have got everything off someone."
Jim Dawson, assistant secretary of the Prison Officers' Association, said: "I think the public will be surprised at the figures. I am a bit taken aback that they are so high." Dawson called on the Scottish government to do more to stamp out the illegal mobiles. He said: "The prison population is going to get bigger year on year.
"If we want to stamp out this problem, we require an investment that will give us the latest technology which, at the turn of a switch, can make these mobiles useless." Prisoner numbers in Scotland this week reached a record high of 8045.
A Scottish Prisons Service spokesman said: "The number of mobile phones found in prison is reflective of the cost and availability of mobile phones in society, as well as the number of prisoners, especially short-term and remand, passing through prisons. "The SPS spends considerable resources in tackling the introduction of illicit items into prisons. "We will continue to take advantage of new and developing technologies in tackling this serious issue."
Last year, armed robber John Daly, an inmate at Portlaoise, County Laois, Ireland, called a radio phone-in from his prison cell using a stolen mobile. It triggered a huge sweep of the jail which resulted in the seizure of mobiles, SIM cards, drugs, syringes, home-made booze and a live budgie.
Central Nova Scotia Correctional Facility overcrowding Inmates are being double-bunked in cells meant for one
Nova Scotia government's policy of getting tough on crime is leading to overcrowding in jails across the province, say corrections officers, and that's compromising their safety.
The officers, who belong to local 408 of the Nova Scotia Government and General Employees Union, met in Dartmouth on Wednesday to discuss safety issues created by the overcrowding. Inmates are being double-bunked in cells meant for one, some are sleeping on the floor, and others are kipping on temporary bunks in storage and meeting areas without adequate toilet facilities, corrections officers said.
All of these factors increase frustration and violence among inmates, they said.
The province's largest jail, the Central Nova Scotia Correctional Facility in the Burnside Industrial Park in Dartmouth, has had to double-bunk inmates on weekends for the past year.
Jim Landry, a supervisor at that facility, said the overcrowding is putting officers and inmates at risk.
"Everybody in the facility is overstressed and frustrated and overworked. At this point, we had a 50 per cent increase in our admissions, so you are getting frustrated and the violence is up considerably," he said.The union is in contract negotiations with the province.
Landry said that not only are there more inmates, they are harder to handle.
For example, he said, some of the inmates have mental health problems, and have been transferred from the forensic hospital. Other inmates, he said, are from unpredictable and violent street gangs.Landry and others at the union meeting said the shortage of space is particularly worrisome because a growing number of inmates claim to belong to rival gangs.They said it's imperative that the jails have enough space to separate inmates.Union president Jim Goss, who works at the Cape Breton Correctional Facility in Sydney, said the problems are the same in his institution.
"We are not able to isolate the problematic offenders. These people simply roam about their units, and if you can't address it in an appropriate manner, you are in a position where you are going to have more and more problems," Goss said.
The Cape Breton jail has been getting inmates from the Burnside jail when it can't handle any more prisoners. And often the Cape Breton facility must send the overflow to a halfway house in Sydney.
Landry and Goss said the government can't keep talking tough on crime until they open up some new spaces for offenders to do the time.
Last month, Fred Honsberger, executive director of Nova Scotia Corrections Services, said overcrowding at the Burnside jail is created by people who are serving intermittent sentences on the weekend, and people who are picked up after drinking too much at downtown Halifax bars.
The Burnside jail, built to hold 224 men, is about 30 to 40 men overcapacity, Honsberger said.He told CBC News that the double-bunking hadn't created any special problems or extra tension at the jail, and during the week there are enough cells to go around.
The officers, who belong to local 408 of the Nova Scotia Government and General Employees Union, met in Dartmouth on Wednesday to discuss safety issues created by the overcrowding. Inmates are being double-bunked in cells meant for one, some are sleeping on the floor, and others are kipping on temporary bunks in storage and meeting areas without adequate toilet facilities, corrections officers said.
All of these factors increase frustration and violence among inmates, they said.
The province's largest jail, the Central Nova Scotia Correctional Facility in the Burnside Industrial Park in Dartmouth, has had to double-bunk inmates on weekends for the past year.
Jim Landry, a supervisor at that facility, said the overcrowding is putting officers and inmates at risk.
"Everybody in the facility is overstressed and frustrated and overworked. At this point, we had a 50 per cent increase in our admissions, so you are getting frustrated and the violence is up considerably," he said.The union is in contract negotiations with the province.
Landry said that not only are there more inmates, they are harder to handle.
For example, he said, some of the inmates have mental health problems, and have been transferred from the forensic hospital. Other inmates, he said, are from unpredictable and violent street gangs.Landry and others at the union meeting said the shortage of space is particularly worrisome because a growing number of inmates claim to belong to rival gangs.They said it's imperative that the jails have enough space to separate inmates.Union president Jim Goss, who works at the Cape Breton Correctional Facility in Sydney, said the problems are the same in his institution.
"We are not able to isolate the problematic offenders. These people simply roam about their units, and if you can't address it in an appropriate manner, you are in a position where you are going to have more and more problems," Goss said.
The Cape Breton jail has been getting inmates from the Burnside jail when it can't handle any more prisoners. And often the Cape Breton facility must send the overflow to a halfway house in Sydney.
Landry and Goss said the government can't keep talking tough on crime until they open up some new spaces for offenders to do the time.
Last month, Fred Honsberger, executive director of Nova Scotia Corrections Services, said overcrowding at the Burnside jail is created by people who are serving intermittent sentences on the weekend, and people who are picked up after drinking too much at downtown Halifax bars.
The Burnside jail, built to hold 224 men, is about 30 to 40 men overcapacity, Honsberger said.He told CBC News that the double-bunking hadn't created any special problems or extra tension at the jail, and during the week there are enough cells to go around.
Last year 59 British people were detained in Dubai over drugs offences
Officials at Dubai airport claimed they had found 0.03 grams of hashish in the Endemol television executive’s bag after he had travelled to the United Arab Emirates to visit a friend last month. They accused him of possession — which would have led to a mandatory four-year prison sentence had he been convicted. After he spent six weeks in Dubai’s jails protesting his innocence, prosecutors dropped the case this month. Mr Le Huy, 31, a German citizen living in London, claims that Dubai officials are paid a “bounty” for arresting drug offenders, a practice confirmed independently to The Times by sources who did not wish to be named.
“People shouldn’t go to Dubai until the laws change,” Mr Le Huy said. “They are running a risk. Even if you’re innocent and know about the laws, if they suspect you of anything, you run the risk of incarceration.”
His experience is common, according to Fair Trials International, a legal charity, which says that drug-related arrests have increased rapidly since 2006, when the laws changed in Dubai so that trace amounts of banned substances picked up by airport detection equipment were deemed to indicate possession. “People are being subjected to very thorough searches,” said Saima Jirji, a solicitor at the charity. “Even seams in their clothing and the fluff in their pockets is being checked.”
Mr Le Huy claims that he was also approached by a detective asking whether he knew any drug-takers back in Britain and whether he could coerce them into coming to Dubai. He alleged that at least two other foreign inmates had been approached with similar requests. The UAE Embassy in London refused to comment.
At first he was accused of smuggling heroin after officials found pills in an unmarked container that turned out to be jet-lag medicine sold freely over the counter in Dubai and the US. He was strip-searched. Officials claimed to have found a trace of hashish in his bag and detained him. He was asked to sign letters in Arabic, which he could not read. Only after being told that he would at once be deported if he signed did he do so, but he wrote “under duress” beneath each signature. Instead of being deported he was put in solitary confinement. Because he was dehydrated and forbidden from drinking he was only able to produce a urine sample after eight hours. Last year 59 British people were detained in Dubai over drugs offences, and so far this year the figure is nine, according to the Foreign Office. Keith Brown served nine months after customs officers found a 0.003 gram trace of cannabis stuck to his shoe. This month the BBC Radio 1 DJ Grooverider, whose real name is Raymond Bingham, started a four-year sentence for possessing 2.16 grams of cannabis. Fair Trials said the list of prohibited substances included everything from antidepressants to a cough medicine for children. Even those in Dubai on transit to another destination can be arrested under the regulations.
Mr Le Huy denies that there were ever any drugs on his person. “Hashish isn’t something available in my social circle — the idea it was in my bag is absolutely ludicrous,” he says. He was pressed by the authorities to plead guilty, but his refusal left him in a legal limbo. After a persistent campaign by his friends in Britain and after negotiations with his lawyer in the UAE, the Dubai authorities agreed to drop the investigation. He had initially spent two weeks at the airport jail, where he couldn’t shower because of the condition of the bathrooms. To compensate, he “discovered the magic of Dettol”, using the disinfectant to shower.
At Dubai Central Jail he suffered even worse conditions. Inmates slept eight to a cell. Because of the poor food he lost 15 kilograms in weight (more than two stone). “Every day was a bad day when you wake up and realise, ‘I’m still here.’ ” When he was finally released, he was taken to a police station to pick up his passport, only for detectives to put him in a bloodstained cell for another four hours. During the six weeks he had found solace in the company of other English-speaking inmates such as Grooverider. Mr Le Huy said that foreign inmates were treated with “distant contempt” by guards, who “played mind games” with them. “They’d ask us to go out in the courtyard at 1am, then take four hours to search all our cells. There was a lad from London who had a bronchial infection. They made him wait in the rain for four hours even after we asked the guards if he could stand in the corridor.” “The laws and punishments of a nation are theirs to set,” he emphasised, adding: “My point is that you will be detained for a minimum of 21 days if they suspect you of anything, whether or not you’re innocent.”
“People shouldn’t go to Dubai until the laws change,” Mr Le Huy said. “They are running a risk. Even if you’re innocent and know about the laws, if they suspect you of anything, you run the risk of incarceration.”
His experience is common, according to Fair Trials International, a legal charity, which says that drug-related arrests have increased rapidly since 2006, when the laws changed in Dubai so that trace amounts of banned substances picked up by airport detection equipment were deemed to indicate possession. “People are being subjected to very thorough searches,” said Saima Jirji, a solicitor at the charity. “Even seams in their clothing and the fluff in their pockets is being checked.”
Mr Le Huy claims that he was also approached by a detective asking whether he knew any drug-takers back in Britain and whether he could coerce them into coming to Dubai. He alleged that at least two other foreign inmates had been approached with similar requests. The UAE Embassy in London refused to comment.
At first he was accused of smuggling heroin after officials found pills in an unmarked container that turned out to be jet-lag medicine sold freely over the counter in Dubai and the US. He was strip-searched. Officials claimed to have found a trace of hashish in his bag and detained him. He was asked to sign letters in Arabic, which he could not read. Only after being told that he would at once be deported if he signed did he do so, but he wrote “under duress” beneath each signature. Instead of being deported he was put in solitary confinement. Because he was dehydrated and forbidden from drinking he was only able to produce a urine sample after eight hours. Last year 59 British people were detained in Dubai over drugs offences, and so far this year the figure is nine, according to the Foreign Office. Keith Brown served nine months after customs officers found a 0.003 gram trace of cannabis stuck to his shoe. This month the BBC Radio 1 DJ Grooverider, whose real name is Raymond Bingham, started a four-year sentence for possessing 2.16 grams of cannabis. Fair Trials said the list of prohibited substances included everything from antidepressants to a cough medicine for children. Even those in Dubai on transit to another destination can be arrested under the regulations.
Mr Le Huy denies that there were ever any drugs on his person. “Hashish isn’t something available in my social circle — the idea it was in my bag is absolutely ludicrous,” he says. He was pressed by the authorities to plead guilty, but his refusal left him in a legal limbo. After a persistent campaign by his friends in Britain and after negotiations with his lawyer in the UAE, the Dubai authorities agreed to drop the investigation. He had initially spent two weeks at the airport jail, where he couldn’t shower because of the condition of the bathrooms. To compensate, he “discovered the magic of Dettol”, using the disinfectant to shower.
At Dubai Central Jail he suffered even worse conditions. Inmates slept eight to a cell. Because of the poor food he lost 15 kilograms in weight (more than two stone). “Every day was a bad day when you wake up and realise, ‘I’m still here.’ ” When he was finally released, he was taken to a police station to pick up his passport, only for detectives to put him in a bloodstained cell for another four hours. During the six weeks he had found solace in the company of other English-speaking inmates such as Grooverider. Mr Le Huy said that foreign inmates were treated with “distant contempt” by guards, who “played mind games” with them. “They’d ask us to go out in the courtyard at 1am, then take four hours to search all our cells. There was a lad from London who had a bronchial infection. They made him wait in the rain for four hours even after we asked the guards if he could stand in the corridor.” “The laws and punishments of a nation are theirs to set,” he emphasised, adding: “My point is that you will be detained for a minimum of 21 days if they suspect you of anything, whether or not you’re innocent.”
Darwin prison is housing inmates in shipping containers.
"Similar accommodation solutions are used interstate and also by the private sector, such as mining camp accommodation for employees"
The Justice Department bought three containers for $460,000 for accommodation and ablution blocks at Berrimah.Two of the containers have been purpose built to hold four female prisoners each.NT Correctional Services executive director Jens Tolstrup said the containers were a "short-term solution'' to house low-security inmates.
The containers have windows and are believed to be similar those being used to house police and medical staff at remote communities as part of the federal intervention.
"Similar accommodation solutions are used interstate and also by the private sector, such as mining camp accommodation for employees,'' Mr Tolstrup said.
Retail property company Centro was awarded the contract to supply and install the J block shipping containers.Justice Minister Chris Burns told the Northern Territory News last week that overcrowding was a serious problem in Territory jails and said a second prison could be built at Berrimah to ease the pressure.
He said Darwin prison was nearly 30 years old and was "nearing the end of its life''.
"It's full to overflowing,'' he said, and Alice Springs jail was also "feeling the pressure''.Dr Burns said Cabinet was discussing a master plan to deal with the overcrowding and increasing inmate numbers.The plan is believed to have seven options, including expanding and renovating Berrimah prison or building a second jail nearby.Other alternatives include building a low security prison at Tennant Creek or Katherine to cope with the increasing numbers of prisoners.
The Justice Department bought three containers for $460,000 for accommodation and ablution blocks at Berrimah.Two of the containers have been purpose built to hold four female prisoners each.NT Correctional Services executive director Jens Tolstrup said the containers were a "short-term solution'' to house low-security inmates.
The containers have windows and are believed to be similar those being used to house police and medical staff at remote communities as part of the federal intervention.
"Similar accommodation solutions are used interstate and also by the private sector, such as mining camp accommodation for employees,'' Mr Tolstrup said.
Retail property company Centro was awarded the contract to supply and install the J block shipping containers.Justice Minister Chris Burns told the Northern Territory News last week that overcrowding was a serious problem in Territory jails and said a second prison could be built at Berrimah to ease the pressure.
He said Darwin prison was nearly 30 years old and was "nearing the end of its life''.
"It's full to overflowing,'' he said, and Alice Springs jail was also "feeling the pressure''.Dr Burns said Cabinet was discussing a master plan to deal with the overcrowding and increasing inmate numbers.The plan is believed to have seven options, including expanding and renovating Berrimah prison or building a second jail nearby.Other alternatives include building a low security prison at Tennant Creek or Katherine to cope with the increasing numbers of prisoners.
Madras High Court ruled that an adolescent offender, who has been convicted in a murder case and sentenced to life imprisonment
The Madurai branch of the Madras High Court ruled that an adolescent offender, who has been convicted in a murder case and sentenced to life imprisonment and lodged in Borstel School should not be sent to central prison after he completed 23 years of age or spent five years in the School. A full bench comprising Justice
Prabha Sri Devan, Jusice N Paul Vasantha Kumar and Justice S Nagamuthu said young offenders should be given industrial training and other instructions and subjected to such disciplinary and moral influences in order to reform them.
The Judges rejected the contention that the term "adolescent offender" was not entitled to be applied to persons who were sentenced to undergo life imprisonment, but only to those who were sentenced to undergo imprisonment for a smaller term.
The court had the jurisdiction to give protection under Tamil Nadu Borstal Schools act to a person who had been conviced to life imprisonment, the Judges said.
The fresh, impressionable and maleable minds of adolescent offenders could not be allowed to harden by their incarceraration along with other criminals. If there was hope of reformation and restoration of a young offender by training and education, the State must keep the hope alive.
The very purpose of borstel school would be defeated if the offender was transferred from school to the prison after he attained 23 years of age and became a good person.
The Judges quoting various Supreme Court and High Court judgements concluded that Borstel school Act should be construed keeping in mind its objective and the sentence should be viewed from the angle of reforming the offender and making adolescent offender a useful person of the society. Besides, police could not transfer Adoloscent offenders, who had been convicted to life imprisonment to jail after he underwent training in Borstel school and behaved well. It was the discretion of the court which would go through the probation officer's report.
The case related to Thangapandi (24), committed a murder when he was 18 years and 5 months old. He was convicted when he was 19 years and 10 months and sentenced to life imprisonment and lodged in Borstel School. As he attained 23 years, the maximum age limit for staying in the school, he was transferred to the prison by prison officials.His mother Thangammal filed a Habeas Corpus Petition seeking to set Thangapandi at liberty contending that detaining him in jail was illegal. The division bench which heard the case referred it to the full bench for interpretation of the sections of the Borstal School Act.
Prabha Sri Devan, Jusice N Paul Vasantha Kumar and Justice S Nagamuthu said young offenders should be given industrial training and other instructions and subjected to such disciplinary and moral influences in order to reform them.
The Judges rejected the contention that the term "adolescent offender" was not entitled to be applied to persons who were sentenced to undergo life imprisonment, but only to those who were sentenced to undergo imprisonment for a smaller term.
The court had the jurisdiction to give protection under Tamil Nadu Borstal Schools act to a person who had been conviced to life imprisonment, the Judges said.
The fresh, impressionable and maleable minds of adolescent offenders could not be allowed to harden by their incarceraration along with other criminals. If there was hope of reformation and restoration of a young offender by training and education, the State must keep the hope alive.
The very purpose of borstel school would be defeated if the offender was transferred from school to the prison after he attained 23 years of age and became a good person.
The Judges quoting various Supreme Court and High Court judgements concluded that Borstel school Act should be construed keeping in mind its objective and the sentence should be viewed from the angle of reforming the offender and making adolescent offender a useful person of the society. Besides, police could not transfer Adoloscent offenders, who had been convicted to life imprisonment to jail after he underwent training in Borstel school and behaved well. It was the discretion of the court which would go through the probation officer's report.
The case related to Thangapandi (24), committed a murder when he was 18 years and 5 months old. He was convicted when he was 19 years and 10 months and sentenced to life imprisonment and lodged in Borstel School. As he attained 23 years, the maximum age limit for staying in the school, he was transferred to the prison by prison officials.His mother Thangammal filed a Habeas Corpus Petition seeking to set Thangapandi at liberty contending that detaining him in jail was illegal. The division bench which heard the case referred it to the full bench for interpretation of the sections of the Borstal School Act.
62 people had died in immigration custody ,Immigration and Customs Enforcment (ICE) agency, which has emphasized detention and deportation
Incompetent enforcement is arbitrary enforcement, and arbitrary enforcement usually becomes draconian very quickly. Thus has been the Department’s bull-in-a-china-shop approach to immigration enforcement via its Immigration and Customs Enforcment (ICE) agency, which has emphasized detention and deportation, both of which have been deployed with a shocking lack of empathy and basic humanity. The ACLU revealed one side of this policy in our suit on behalf of children detained at the Hutto detention facility in Taylor, Texas. Entire families were held in prisonlike conditions, where they were offered far less than the minimum standards for movement, education, and due process. As a result of the ACLU’s litigation, all 26 of our minor clients have been released, and conditions at Hutto have gradually improved. But Hutto is just the tip of the ICE-berg. The ACLU has exposed major deficits in medical treatment through litigation and Congressional testimony. As the warden of one of the largest of these facilities wrote in an affidavit two years ago (as reported by the New York Times), “The Department of Homeland Security has made it difficult, if not impossible, to meet the constitutional requirements of providing adequate health care to inmates that have a serious need for that care.” In that same article, ICE reported that 62 people had died in immigration custody since 2004, but refused to disclose any details about the nature or cause of those deaths. Finally, the ACLU of Southern California recently brought a suit on behalf of a mentally disabled American citizen, who was mistakenly deported to Mexico, a country with which he was completely unfamiliar, and where he was missing for three months before being found by his family in the US.
Children do not deserve to be in the jail
Karnataka state prisons department is blazing a quiet trail of social reforms in its prisons. Propelled by the vision of the Additional Director General of Police (prisons) S.T. Ramesh the department has introduced special day school for the children of the women inmates of the jails all over the state. The new initiative stems out from the simple philosophy that children do not deserve to be in the jail just because they belonged to a mother who is undergoing punishment.
To begin with 19 children of women who were serving terms at the central jail at Parappana Agrahara have been admitted to a school near the jail where the children of the officials of the jail also study. A room in one of the building belonging to the Prisons department has been converted into a school complete with teachers, teaching aids, toys and teaching models. In fact Karnataka state was one of the few states which have carried out the Supreme court order 559.94 dated 13 April 2006 directing the state departments prison to follow the guidelines for development of children who are in jail with their mothers either as under trial prisoners or as convicts. Additional Director General of Police (prisons) S.T.Ramesh told that the "order has been incorporated into the prison manual according to the directions of the Supreme court and the manual makes it mandatory for every prison to give all the benefits enjoyed by a free individual to the children of the women inmates".
Mr. Ramesh said the idea was to take the children out of the jail environment for maximum number of hours in a day and ensure that the children do not come into contact with inmates who have committed grievous crimes. Giving details of the women convicts and their children in the jail Mr.Ramesh said there were 511 women convicts and under-trials in various prisons in the state. Bangalore central jail had 150, Belgaum 56, Bellary 24, Bijapur 26, Mysore 86 Gulburga 37 and Dharwad 18. Rest of the district prisons had less than 5 in each. There are about 23 children presently staying in the Jail and thanks to the Supreme Court order these children spend at least 8 hours in the day out of the jail premises and are treated as normal children. All district jails have been issued circulars directing them to carry out the orders of the Supreme Court. "To make it more inclusive wherever possible, the children of the inmates should study in normal schools which is one of the pre conditions of this programme" Mr. Ramesh says. The school authorities are strictly briefed against disclosing the identity of the children and teachers are told to integrate them into the normal school environment. The Child Welfare Committee has also been involved in preparing conditions holistic development of the children of the jail inmates. The department has also organised for a dental chair for the inmates of the central jail and every week a mobile squad of dentists from the local hospitals will visit the jail and treat the inmates.
To begin with 19 children of women who were serving terms at the central jail at Parappana Agrahara have been admitted to a school near the jail where the children of the officials of the jail also study. A room in one of the building belonging to the Prisons department has been converted into a school complete with teachers, teaching aids, toys and teaching models. In fact Karnataka state was one of the few states which have carried out the Supreme court order 559.94 dated 13 April 2006 directing the state departments prison to follow the guidelines for development of children who are in jail with their mothers either as under trial prisoners or as convicts. Additional Director General of Police (prisons) S.T.Ramesh told that the "order has been incorporated into the prison manual according to the directions of the Supreme court and the manual makes it mandatory for every prison to give all the benefits enjoyed by a free individual to the children of the women inmates".
Mr. Ramesh said the idea was to take the children out of the jail environment for maximum number of hours in a day and ensure that the children do not come into contact with inmates who have committed grievous crimes. Giving details of the women convicts and their children in the jail Mr.Ramesh said there were 511 women convicts and under-trials in various prisons in the state. Bangalore central jail had 150, Belgaum 56, Bellary 24, Bijapur 26, Mysore 86 Gulburga 37 and Dharwad 18. Rest of the district prisons had less than 5 in each. There are about 23 children presently staying in the Jail and thanks to the Supreme Court order these children spend at least 8 hours in the day out of the jail premises and are treated as normal children. All district jails have been issued circulars directing them to carry out the orders of the Supreme Court. "To make it more inclusive wherever possible, the children of the inmates should study in normal schools which is one of the pre conditions of this programme" Mr. Ramesh says. The school authorities are strictly briefed against disclosing the identity of the children and teachers are told to integrate them into the normal school environment. The Child Welfare Committee has also been involved in preparing conditions holistic development of the children of the jail inmates. The department has also organised for a dental chair for the inmates of the central jail and every week a mobile squad of dentists from the local hospitals will visit the jail and treat the inmates.
Forced to clean up the blood-spattered cell of an inmate who had cut his wrist
York County Jail officials have signed a consent decree that will protect inmates from unsafe work conditions in the future.The consent decree resulted from a case filed by the Maine Civil Liberties Union Foundation on behalf of three inmates who were forced to clean up the blood-spattered cell of an inmate who had cut his wrist.
The plaintiffs involved in the case — Joshua Luciano, Michael Mellen and John Michaud — had been part of the jail's work program, which is available to inmates who are well-behaved and trusted. The three men were allegedly given rubber gloves, brushes, bleach, a mop and a pail, but were given no protective clothing or training in the proper way to clean up blood. The bristle brushes allegedly caused the blood to spray onto the skin and into their eyes, noses and mouths during the cleanup.
The inmates were told that if they refused to clean the cell, they would lose their trusty status, according to MCLU Staff Attorney Zachary Heiden.
The suit, filed in U.S. District Court in Portland by the MCLU in February 2007, claimed that Luciano, Mellen and Michaud were subjected to cruel and unusual punishment in violation of the U.S. Constitution's Eighth Amendment when ordered to clean up the holding cell on Nov. 7, 2006.
"Jail inmates have a right to be treated in a safe and humane fashion," said Heiden. "This consent decree will protect present and future inmates from exposure to dangerous chemicals or biohazards. Inmates give up their freedom when they go to jail, but they don't have to give up their humanity."
The incident "violated all known safety policies for the handling of potentially contaminated blood," Heiden said in a letter to (then) York County Sheriff Philip Cote and Jail Superintendent Michael Vitiello.
The consent decree in the case (Luciano et al. v. Vitiello et al.) was approved by U.S. District Judge D. Brock Hornby on Jan. 23. Vitiello and York County Facilities Manager Steve Foglio were named as defendants in the suit.
York County administrators and staff are "permanently enjoined from the use of inmates to clean up bloodspills without their consent and adequate training and protection," according to the agreement. The jail also promises not to penalize inmates who refuse to clean up biohazard sites, according to Heiden. The injunction, which will be enforceable by any York County Jail inmate deprived of the terms of protection, will continue indefinitely.
Because prison staff is already provided with proper training and equipment, the MCLU believed that providing the same for inmates would not be overly expensive or burdensome. Without admitting any liability for past acts, the York County Jail agreed to provide safety equipment and training in the future, whenever inmates are put in a potentially dangerous work situation.
The consent decree requires that the new safety equipment and training policies be included in the general policy guidelines provided to incoming jail inmates.
Luciano, Mellen and Michaud all completed their sentences and have since been released from jail.
Portland Attorney Rufus Brown, of Brown & Burke, was MCLU cooperating attorney on the case
The plaintiffs involved in the case — Joshua Luciano, Michael Mellen and John Michaud — had been part of the jail's work program, which is available to inmates who are well-behaved and trusted. The three men were allegedly given rubber gloves, brushes, bleach, a mop and a pail, but were given no protective clothing or training in the proper way to clean up blood. The bristle brushes allegedly caused the blood to spray onto the skin and into their eyes, noses and mouths during the cleanup.
The inmates were told that if they refused to clean the cell, they would lose their trusty status, according to MCLU Staff Attorney Zachary Heiden.
The suit, filed in U.S. District Court in Portland by the MCLU in February 2007, claimed that Luciano, Mellen and Michaud were subjected to cruel and unusual punishment in violation of the U.S. Constitution's Eighth Amendment when ordered to clean up the holding cell on Nov. 7, 2006.
"Jail inmates have a right to be treated in a safe and humane fashion," said Heiden. "This consent decree will protect present and future inmates from exposure to dangerous chemicals or biohazards. Inmates give up their freedom when they go to jail, but they don't have to give up their humanity."
The incident "violated all known safety policies for the handling of potentially contaminated blood," Heiden said in a letter to (then) York County Sheriff Philip Cote and Jail Superintendent Michael Vitiello.
The consent decree in the case (Luciano et al. v. Vitiello et al.) was approved by U.S. District Judge D. Brock Hornby on Jan. 23. Vitiello and York County Facilities Manager Steve Foglio were named as defendants in the suit.
York County administrators and staff are "permanently enjoined from the use of inmates to clean up bloodspills without their consent and adequate training and protection," according to the agreement. The jail also promises not to penalize inmates who refuse to clean up biohazard sites, according to Heiden. The injunction, which will be enforceable by any York County Jail inmate deprived of the terms of protection, will continue indefinitely.
Because prison staff is already provided with proper training and equipment, the MCLU believed that providing the same for inmates would not be overly expensive or burdensome. Without admitting any liability for past acts, the York County Jail agreed to provide safety equipment and training in the future, whenever inmates are put in a potentially dangerous work situation.
The consent decree requires that the new safety equipment and training policies be included in the general policy guidelines provided to incoming jail inmates.
Luciano, Mellen and Michaud all completed their sentences and have since been released from jail.
Portland Attorney Rufus Brown, of Brown & Burke, was MCLU cooperating attorney on the case
Ford open Prison needs major, urgent investment to shake off its "deplorable" reputation as the cheapest prison in the country
Ford open Prison needs major, urgent investment to shake off its "deplorable" reputation as the cheapest prison in the country, according to independent monitors.
Governor Fiona Radford and her staff have only a "shoestring" budget to run the prison, says Zsa Roggendorff, chairman of Ford's Independent Monitoring Board in her annual report, published this week.Mrs Roggendorff said the board felt there was "considerable truth" in the "deplorable" description of Ford as the cheapest prison.In her summary of concerns addressed to Prisons Minister David Hanson, she added: "The board asks the Minister to undertake an urgent review of funding and capital investment as an absolute priority."The governor has had yet another year of a continuing lack of investment in an old prison with many inadequate areas requiring refurbishment. "The board are concerned that running an under-funded prison may appease those charged with key performance targets, however, this impacts hugely on the resettlement role of the establishment, and conditions in general for prisoners."In spite of concerns over Ford's funding, the prison had had to cope with an ever-increasing number of short-term prisoners among the longer-term inmates, which was having an adverse effect on programmes to prepare them for their return to the community at the end of their sentence.The board's opinion, said Mrs Roggendorff, was that "the establishment has lost its main focus of rehabilitating prisoners back into the community and is seen instead as a holding centre".
The resettlement work was also being hampered by staff shortages and Ford's long-term sickness record, which were harming staff morale and motivation and affecting prisoners, too.
Governor Fiona Radford and her staff have only a "shoestring" budget to run the prison, says Zsa Roggendorff, chairman of Ford's Independent Monitoring Board in her annual report, published this week.Mrs Roggendorff said the board felt there was "considerable truth" in the "deplorable" description of Ford as the cheapest prison.In her summary of concerns addressed to Prisons Minister David Hanson, she added: "The board asks the Minister to undertake an urgent review of funding and capital investment as an absolute priority."The governor has had yet another year of a continuing lack of investment in an old prison with many inadequate areas requiring refurbishment. "The board are concerned that running an under-funded prison may appease those charged with key performance targets, however, this impacts hugely on the resettlement role of the establishment, and conditions in general for prisoners."In spite of concerns over Ford's funding, the prison had had to cope with an ever-increasing number of short-term prisoners among the longer-term inmates, which was having an adverse effect on programmes to prepare them for their return to the community at the end of their sentence.The board's opinion, said Mrs Roggendorff, was that "the establishment has lost its main focus of rehabilitating prisoners back into the community and is seen instead as a holding centre".
The resettlement work was also being hampered by staff shortages and Ford's long-term sickness record, which were harming staff morale and motivation and affecting prisoners, too.
CCA is the largest private prison “provider” in the United States
CCA is the largest private prison “provider” in the United States, with meteoric stock growth, more than doubling in the first eight months of 2006. Among other facilities, CCA runs T Don Hutto, a former medium-security prison in Taylor, TX which, since 2006, has held non-criminal, immigrant “detainees,” against their will, under a pass-through contract with Immigration and Customs Enforcement division of Homeland Security. The basic contract pays CCA approximately $2.8 million monthly, for a maximum incarceration of 512 individuals. (Minimum = $5,000+ per prisoner.) Approximately half the prisoners are children, many of them born in this country. No prisoner held is charged with a crime, nor are they deemed to be a danger to national security; it is simply their immigration/amnesty request status that has marked them for imprisonment. This is the first (and only other) time since the interment of Japanese during WWII that children have been imprisoned by the United States. A recent lawsuit asserted that the children were being held in inhumane conditions. The resulting settlement (September 2007) gained on-site pediatric service for the children being incarcerated, as well as a requirement that the toilets in their open cells be made private with the addition of a shower curtain. Additional visitation hours, schooling, and recreational opportunities were also agreed upon. The facility continues to be the site of vigils and protests by various human rights groups.
Prisoners at CCA facilities do much of the work for the facility, including cooking and cleaning, and are paid $1 per day for their efforts. The Nation has a great piece on CCA’s profiteering on prisons and prisoners.
CCA’S T. Don Hutto prison, which is discussed in the above quote, is also the subject of this must-read New Yorker article. None of the incarcerated people in Hutto are criminals. Many of them are children. They’re mostly immigrants who came to the United States seeking amnesty.
The governing idea of Hutto was that detainees would constantly supervise their children—as a result, it wasn’t deemed a child-care facility, and required no relevant licensing. But this also meant that children had to be in the same room even when, say, their parents recounted stories of torture, rape, or domestic abuse. Barbara Hines, a law professor who runs an immigration clinic at the University of Texas, in Austin, and who was one of the first legal representatives to see detainees at Hutto, began bringing crayons and markers with her, hoping to distract the kids.
Children were regularly woken up at night by guards shining lights into their cells. They were roused each morning at five-thirty. Kids were not allowed to have stuffed animals, crayons, pencils, or pens in their cells. And they were not allowed to take the pictures they had made back to their cells and hang them up. When Hutto opened as an immigration-detention center, children attended school there only one hour a day. Detainees, including children, wore green or blue prison-issue scrubs. In November, 2006, Krista Gregory, who lives in Austin and works with church groups there, got a call from a couple of Hutto employees who, she says, were unhappy about the lack of supplies for child detainees. Gregory arranged for local churches to donate toys, baby blankets, and Bibles.
Staff members, who wore police-type uniforms, were mostly people who had backgrounds in corrections rather than in child welfare. Detainees said that when parents or children broke rules guards threatened them with separation from their children. Kevin Yourdkhani, at the prompting of one of Hines’s law students, wrote a brief description of one such occasion. “I was in my bed and my dad came to fix my bed,” he wrote. “When the police came and saw my dad in the room, he said, ‘If He comes and see my dad again in my room His going to put my mom in a siprate jail and my dad in a sipate jail and me a foster kid.’ I cried and cried so much that I lost my energy. I went to sleep. I felt If I will be siprated I can never see my parents again, and I will get stepparents and they will hurt me or maybe they will kill me.”
And it’s not just Hutto that’s a problem. Private prisons run by CCA don’t have the same reporting requirements that federal and state prisons do, and CCA has purposely made it difficult for anyone to get information about its practices:
Getting information about Hutto—especially from the people who run it—is hard. Private prison companies are not subject to the same legal requirements as public prisons to provide incident reports on assaults, escapes, deaths, or rapes. It’s true that a company’s contract stipulates that it must report such incidents to the government agency for which it is a vender, and people seeking information about what goes on inside a private prison can submit a Freedom of Information Act request to the government agency. But this can be an exercise in frustration, as Judith Greene, a researcher who is a critic of private prisons, found out. Several years ago, she and a colleague, Joshua Miller, were doing research on a new prison in California City, California, that was to be operated by C.C.A. for the federal Bureau of Prisons. According to Greene, before awarding the contract the bureau had signalled that the government would not delegate to a private company the legal authority to use force against inmates. Greene and Miller wondered how this would work in practice. In a Freedom of Information Act request, Greene asked for documents that might shed light on this question. Eventually, she recalls, she heard from the Bureau of Prisons that it was prepared to give her the information but had to get permission from C.C.A.; a second letter informed her that C.C.A. had said no, claiming that the information she sought about the use of force was a business secret. Greene told me, “Prisons in general are to a great extent secretive, isolated places, but if you’re dealing with private prisons you’ve got an additional layer to penetrate in order to find out essential facts and figures. And government agencies seem to give a lot of the decision-making to the private companies when it comes to what to reveal.” A bill now pending in Congress would, for the first time, make private prisons as accountable about their daily operations as public ones.
It’s easier to gain access to the death-row section of most publicly run prisons than it is to get into Hutto, unless you are a detainee or an employee of C.C.A. Even Jorge Bustamante, a sociologist and a former Nobel Peace Prize nominee, who is the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Human Rights of Migrants, was denied access to Hutto. From Geneva, he had applied to visit, as part of a tour that he was making of immigration-detention facilities in the U.S, and permission was granted. But when he arrived in America, last May, Bustamante was told that permission had been revoked. Bustamante remains angry about the incident, and says he will mention it in a report that he plans to submit to the General Assembly this month. For my part, I got no response to repeated requests to tour the facility, which were sent by phone and fax to Evelyn Hernandez, the administrator of Hutto. (She also refused multiple requests to speak on the phone, as did top officials at C.C.A.) Two weeks after I submitted questions in writing to C.C.A. officials, I did receive some answers. Steven Owen, a spokesman for the corporation, wrote that “C.C.A. always strives to provide humane, safe and secure housing to the populations entrusted to our care in accordance with applicable laws and the expectations of our customers. We are proud of the company’s 25-year track record.” No reporters have been admitted on any occasion since a single-day group media tour, in February, 2007. Currently, the only way to see the inside of Hutto is to watch an intermittently blurry video available on YouTube, evidently filmed by immigration officials and later posted by a blogger. It shows kids and adults in blue and green scrubs walking down fluorescent-lit halls and eating food from plastic trays. There are brief shots of a prison cell outfitted with a crib and of a man lying on a couch, his wrist encircled by a bright-blue I.D. bracelet. Another sequence shows kids outside their cells, learning the alphabet song. The footage has no sound.
And the children in Hutto understand that they are in prison — and they’re depressed and scared.
Kevin, it must be said, was lucky. The plaintiffs’ lawyers soon figured out that the crayons and markers they had brought in to occupy the kids while they talked to their parents could also be politically useful. They were particularly so in the hands of articulate, indignant Kevin. One day, Kevin drew an American flag and wrote “Pleace help us” inside one of the stripes. He drew a picture of his common area, with sofas, tables, “police,” and “camra.” And he wrote a letter to Stephen Harper, the Canadian Prime Minister, in a rainbow of colors: “Dear Mr. Priminster Harper, I don’t like to stay in this jail. I’m only nine years old. I want to go to my school in Canada. I’m sleeping beside the wall. Please Mr. Priminster haper give visa for my family. This Place is not good for me. I want to get out of the cell.”
CCA receives tens of millions of dollars every year to run Hutto. And they know who lines their pockets:
Early investors in C.C.A. included Honey Alexander, the wife of Lamar Alexander, then the governor of Tennessee. Over the years, C.C.A. has continued to strengthen its political ties. The company’s PAC gave more than three hundred thousand dollars during the 2006 election cycle, overwhelmingly to Republican congressional candidates, and has given more than a hundred thousand so far for the 2008 elections. The company’s chairman, William Andrews, and its C.E.O., John Ferguson, have been generous donors to Republican senatorial and Presidential candidates. Philip Perry, who is the son-in-law of Dick Cheney, and who served as general counsel for the Department of Homeland Security between 2005 and 2007, lobbied for C.C.A. while he was at the law firm Latham & Watkins, to which he has returned. And C.C.A. spends a lot on lobbying. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, in 2005, the year that Homeland Security awarded C.C.A. the Hutto contract, the company paid close to $3.4 million dollars to five different firms to lobby the federal government.
And, like the private military contractors that the Bush administration pays to do our dirty work in Iraq, private prison employees were long not subject to the same laws that federal and state prison employees are:
Last May, a guard at Hutto was caught engaging in sexual activity with a female detainee in the cell that she shared with her young child. The guard was videotaped crawling out of the detainee’s cell—trying, unsuccessfully, to avoid the camera—on two occasions, once at 11:36 P.M., seven minutes after entering, and once at 11:47 P.M., following a ten-minute visit. Employees watching the security camera alerted their supervisors. The man on the videotape was seen “adjusting his pants around the belt area” as he left, according to a report on the incident by federal investigators. (The report—or eighty of its four hundred pages, at least—was obtained by the Taylor Daily Press.) It is unclear if the activity was consensual, but any sexual contact between correctional officers and inmates in a federal prison is a crime. At the time of the incident, however, the law applied only to prisons under the authority of the Department of Justice, and not to immigrant-detention centers, which are under the authority of the Department of Homeland Security. The guard was not prosecuted. (This past July, Senator Dianne Feinstein, of California, introduced legislation that closed the loophole.)
Prisoners at CCA facilities do much of the work for the facility, including cooking and cleaning, and are paid $1 per day for their efforts. The Nation has a great piece on CCA’s profiteering on prisons and prisoners.
CCA’S T. Don Hutto prison, which is discussed in the above quote, is also the subject of this must-read New Yorker article. None of the incarcerated people in Hutto are criminals. Many of them are children. They’re mostly immigrants who came to the United States seeking amnesty.
The governing idea of Hutto was that detainees would constantly supervise their children—as a result, it wasn’t deemed a child-care facility, and required no relevant licensing. But this also meant that children had to be in the same room even when, say, their parents recounted stories of torture, rape, or domestic abuse. Barbara Hines, a law professor who runs an immigration clinic at the University of Texas, in Austin, and who was one of the first legal representatives to see detainees at Hutto, began bringing crayons and markers with her, hoping to distract the kids.
Children were regularly woken up at night by guards shining lights into their cells. They were roused each morning at five-thirty. Kids were not allowed to have stuffed animals, crayons, pencils, or pens in their cells. And they were not allowed to take the pictures they had made back to their cells and hang them up. When Hutto opened as an immigration-detention center, children attended school there only one hour a day. Detainees, including children, wore green or blue prison-issue scrubs. In November, 2006, Krista Gregory, who lives in Austin and works with church groups there, got a call from a couple of Hutto employees who, she says, were unhappy about the lack of supplies for child detainees. Gregory arranged for local churches to donate toys, baby blankets, and Bibles.
Staff members, who wore police-type uniforms, were mostly people who had backgrounds in corrections rather than in child welfare. Detainees said that when parents or children broke rules guards threatened them with separation from their children. Kevin Yourdkhani, at the prompting of one of Hines’s law students, wrote a brief description of one such occasion. “I was in my bed and my dad came to fix my bed,” he wrote. “When the police came and saw my dad in the room, he said, ‘If He comes and see my dad again in my room His going to put my mom in a siprate jail and my dad in a sipate jail and me a foster kid.’ I cried and cried so much that I lost my energy. I went to sleep. I felt If I will be siprated I can never see my parents again, and I will get stepparents and they will hurt me or maybe they will kill me.”
And it’s not just Hutto that’s a problem. Private prisons run by CCA don’t have the same reporting requirements that federal and state prisons do, and CCA has purposely made it difficult for anyone to get information about its practices:
Getting information about Hutto—especially from the people who run it—is hard. Private prison companies are not subject to the same legal requirements as public prisons to provide incident reports on assaults, escapes, deaths, or rapes. It’s true that a company’s contract stipulates that it must report such incidents to the government agency for which it is a vender, and people seeking information about what goes on inside a private prison can submit a Freedom of Information Act request to the government agency. But this can be an exercise in frustration, as Judith Greene, a researcher who is a critic of private prisons, found out. Several years ago, she and a colleague, Joshua Miller, were doing research on a new prison in California City, California, that was to be operated by C.C.A. for the federal Bureau of Prisons. According to Greene, before awarding the contract the bureau had signalled that the government would not delegate to a private company the legal authority to use force against inmates. Greene and Miller wondered how this would work in practice. In a Freedom of Information Act request, Greene asked for documents that might shed light on this question. Eventually, she recalls, she heard from the Bureau of Prisons that it was prepared to give her the information but had to get permission from C.C.A.; a second letter informed her that C.C.A. had said no, claiming that the information she sought about the use of force was a business secret. Greene told me, “Prisons in general are to a great extent secretive, isolated places, but if you’re dealing with private prisons you’ve got an additional layer to penetrate in order to find out essential facts and figures. And government agencies seem to give a lot of the decision-making to the private companies when it comes to what to reveal.” A bill now pending in Congress would, for the first time, make private prisons as accountable about their daily operations as public ones.
It’s easier to gain access to the death-row section of most publicly run prisons than it is to get into Hutto, unless you are a detainee or an employee of C.C.A. Even Jorge Bustamante, a sociologist and a former Nobel Peace Prize nominee, who is the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Human Rights of Migrants, was denied access to Hutto. From Geneva, he had applied to visit, as part of a tour that he was making of immigration-detention facilities in the U.S, and permission was granted. But when he arrived in America, last May, Bustamante was told that permission had been revoked. Bustamante remains angry about the incident, and says he will mention it in a report that he plans to submit to the General Assembly this month. For my part, I got no response to repeated requests to tour the facility, which were sent by phone and fax to Evelyn Hernandez, the administrator of Hutto. (She also refused multiple requests to speak on the phone, as did top officials at C.C.A.) Two weeks after I submitted questions in writing to C.C.A. officials, I did receive some answers. Steven Owen, a spokesman for the corporation, wrote that “C.C.A. always strives to provide humane, safe and secure housing to the populations entrusted to our care in accordance with applicable laws and the expectations of our customers. We are proud of the company’s 25-year track record.” No reporters have been admitted on any occasion since a single-day group media tour, in February, 2007. Currently, the only way to see the inside of Hutto is to watch an intermittently blurry video available on YouTube, evidently filmed by immigration officials and later posted by a blogger. It shows kids and adults in blue and green scrubs walking down fluorescent-lit halls and eating food from plastic trays. There are brief shots of a prison cell outfitted with a crib and of a man lying on a couch, his wrist encircled by a bright-blue I.D. bracelet. Another sequence shows kids outside their cells, learning the alphabet song. The footage has no sound.
And the children in Hutto understand that they are in prison — and they’re depressed and scared.
Kevin, it must be said, was lucky. The plaintiffs’ lawyers soon figured out that the crayons and markers they had brought in to occupy the kids while they talked to their parents could also be politically useful. They were particularly so in the hands of articulate, indignant Kevin. One day, Kevin drew an American flag and wrote “Pleace help us” inside one of the stripes. He drew a picture of his common area, with sofas, tables, “police,” and “camra.” And he wrote a letter to Stephen Harper, the Canadian Prime Minister, in a rainbow of colors: “Dear Mr. Priminster Harper, I don’t like to stay in this jail. I’m only nine years old. I want to go to my school in Canada. I’m sleeping beside the wall. Please Mr. Priminster haper give visa for my family. This Place is not good for me. I want to get out of the cell.”
CCA receives tens of millions of dollars every year to run Hutto. And they know who lines their pockets:
Early investors in C.C.A. included Honey Alexander, the wife of Lamar Alexander, then the governor of Tennessee. Over the years, C.C.A. has continued to strengthen its political ties. The company’s PAC gave more than three hundred thousand dollars during the 2006 election cycle, overwhelmingly to Republican congressional candidates, and has given more than a hundred thousand so far for the 2008 elections. The company’s chairman, William Andrews, and its C.E.O., John Ferguson, have been generous donors to Republican senatorial and Presidential candidates. Philip Perry, who is the son-in-law of Dick Cheney, and who served as general counsel for the Department of Homeland Security between 2005 and 2007, lobbied for C.C.A. while he was at the law firm Latham & Watkins, to which he has returned. And C.C.A. spends a lot on lobbying. According to the Center for Responsive Politics, in 2005, the year that Homeland Security awarded C.C.A. the Hutto contract, the company paid close to $3.4 million dollars to five different firms to lobby the federal government.
And, like the private military contractors that the Bush administration pays to do our dirty work in Iraq, private prison employees were long not subject to the same laws that federal and state prison employees are:
Last May, a guard at Hutto was caught engaging in sexual activity with a female detainee in the cell that she shared with her young child. The guard was videotaped crawling out of the detainee’s cell—trying, unsuccessfully, to avoid the camera—on two occasions, once at 11:36 P.M., seven minutes after entering, and once at 11:47 P.M., following a ten-minute visit. Employees watching the security camera alerted their supervisors. The man on the videotape was seen “adjusting his pants around the belt area” as he left, according to a report on the incident by federal investigators. (The report—or eighty of its four hundred pages, at least—was obtained by the Taylor Daily Press.) It is unclear if the activity was consensual, but any sexual contact between correctional officers and inmates in a federal prison is a crime. At the time of the incident, however, the law applied only to prisons under the authority of the Department of Justice, and not to immigrant-detention centers, which are under the authority of the Department of Homeland Security. The guard was not prosecuted. (This past July, Senator Dianne Feinstein, of California, introduced legislation that closed the loophole.)
Torture by the CIA still an option
President Bush's has vetoed a bill that would have banned torture by the CIA.
Those 19 interrogation techniques to which the bill would have restricted CIA personnel include the "good cop/bad cop" routine, making prisoners think they are in another country's custody and separating a prisoner from others for up to 30 days.
Among the techniques the field manual prohibits are hooding prisoners or putting duct tape across their eyes, stripping them naked, forcing them to perform or mimic sexual acts, or beating, electrocuting, burning or otherwise physically hurting them.
They may not be subjected to hypothermia or mock executions. It does not allow food, water and medical treatment to be withheld. Dogs may not be used in any aspect of interrogation.But waterboarding is the most high-profile and controversial of the interrogation methods in question.
Those 19 interrogation techniques to which the bill would have restricted CIA personnel include the "good cop/bad cop" routine, making prisoners think they are in another country's custody and separating a prisoner from others for up to 30 days.
Among the techniques the field manual prohibits are hooding prisoners or putting duct tape across their eyes, stripping them naked, forcing them to perform or mimic sexual acts, or beating, electrocuting, burning or otherwise physically hurting them.
They may not be subjected to hypothermia or mock executions. It does not allow food, water and medical treatment to be withheld. Dogs may not be used in any aspect of interrogation.But waterboarding is the most high-profile and controversial of the interrogation methods in question.
Kaliti prison ,Conditions in the worst sections have been harsh, with severe overcrowding, inadequate sanitation and poor hygiene
Defendants have been held in different sections of Kaliti prison on the outskirts of Addis Ababa. Conditions in the worst sections have been harsh, with severe overcrowding, inadequate sanitation and poor hygiene. Correspondence has often been prohibited, and private consultation with lawyers not allowed.
Amnesty International has consistently called for the immediate and unconditional release of those defendants whom it classified as prisoners of conscience, because they did not use or advocate violence but were peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression, association and assembly, as guaranteed by the Ethiopian Constitution and international human rights treaties which Ethiopia has ratified. Several trials of CUD leaders, journalists and human rights defenders began in spring 2006, with the prosecution resting its case in April 2007. More than 30 defendants were acquitted. In June 38 others, including human rights leader Mesfin Woldemariam and parliamentarian Kifle Tigneh, were convicted and sentenced to life, but they were pardoned and released in July, after a presidential pardon was negotiated by Ethiopian elders and other parties.
Two civil society activists and human rights lawyers, Daniel Bekele, policy manager of the Ethiopian office of ActionAid, and Netsanet Demissie, founder and director of the Organization for Social Justice, who refused to sign documents requesting pardon, were convicted in a trial which failed to meet international standards of justice, and sentenced to two years and eight months. Their convictions were based on evidence that did not prove beyond reasonable doubt that they committed a crime under Ethiopian law. While their release, after time served, was expected in early January they are still in prison. Yalemzawde Bekele, a human rights lawyer working for the European Commission, was charged in July 2007 with conspiring to commit outrage against the constitution, but granted bail pending trial in late March 2008.
Over 17,000 prisoners, mostly convicted criminals, were released in September 2007, by presidential amnesty upon the occasion of the Ethiopian millennium new year, while hundreds more CUD members detained in 2005 are still being held without trial.
Amnesty International has consistently called for the immediate and unconditional release of those defendants whom it classified as prisoners of conscience, because they did not use or advocate violence but were peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression, association and assembly, as guaranteed by the Ethiopian Constitution and international human rights treaties which Ethiopia has ratified. Several trials of CUD leaders, journalists and human rights defenders began in spring 2006, with the prosecution resting its case in April 2007. More than 30 defendants were acquitted. In June 38 others, including human rights leader Mesfin Woldemariam and parliamentarian Kifle Tigneh, were convicted and sentenced to life, but they were pardoned and released in July, after a presidential pardon was negotiated by Ethiopian elders and other parties.
Two civil society activists and human rights lawyers, Daniel Bekele, policy manager of the Ethiopian office of ActionAid, and Netsanet Demissie, founder and director of the Organization for Social Justice, who refused to sign documents requesting pardon, were convicted in a trial which failed to meet international standards of justice, and sentenced to two years and eight months. Their convictions were based on evidence that did not prove beyond reasonable doubt that they committed a crime under Ethiopian law. While their release, after time served, was expected in early January they are still in prison. Yalemzawde Bekele, a human rights lawyer working for the European Commission, was charged in July 2007 with conspiring to commit outrage against the constitution, but granted bail pending trial in late March 2008.
Over 17,000 prisoners, mostly convicted criminals, were released in September 2007, by presidential amnesty upon the occasion of the Ethiopian millennium new year, while hundreds more CUD members detained in 2005 are still being held without trial.
Kaliti prison ,Conditions in the worst sections have been harsh, with severe overcrowding, inadequate sanitation and poor hygiene
Defendants have been held in different sections of Kaliti prison on the outskirts of Addis Ababa. Conditions in the worst sections have been harsh, with severe overcrowding, inadequate sanitation and poor hygiene. Correspondence has often been prohibited, and private consultation with lawyers not allowed.
Amnesty International has consistently called for the immediate and unconditional release of those defendants whom it classified as prisoners of conscience, because they did not use or advocate violence but were peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression, association and assembly, as guaranteed by the Ethiopian Constitution and international human rights treaties which Ethiopia has ratified. Several trials of CUD leaders, journalists and human rights defenders began in spring 2006, with the prosecution resting its case in April 2007. More than 30 defendants were acquitted. In June 38 others, including human rights leader Mesfin Woldemariam and parliamentarian Kifle Tigneh, were convicted and sentenced to life, but they were pardoned and released in July, after a presidential pardon was negotiated by Ethiopian elders and other parties.
Two civil society activists and human rights lawyers, Daniel Bekele, policy manager of the Ethiopian office of ActionAid, and Netsanet Demissie, founder and director of the Organization for Social Justice, who refused to sign documents requesting pardon, were convicted in a trial which failed to meet international standards of justice, and sentenced to two years and eight months. Their convictions were based on evidence that did not prove beyond reasonable doubt that they committed a crime under Ethiopian law. While their release, after time served, was expected in early January they are still in prison. Yalemzawde Bekele, a human rights lawyer working for the European Commission, was charged in July 2007 with conspiring to commit outrage against the constitution, but granted bail pending trial in late March 2008.
Over 17,000 prisoners, mostly convicted criminals, were released in September 2007, by presidential amnesty upon the occasion of the Ethiopian millennium new year, while hundreds more CUD members detained in 2005 are still being held without trial.
Amnesty International has consistently called for the immediate and unconditional release of those defendants whom it classified as prisoners of conscience, because they did not use or advocate violence but were peacefully exercising their right to freedom of expression, association and assembly, as guaranteed by the Ethiopian Constitution and international human rights treaties which Ethiopia has ratified. Several trials of CUD leaders, journalists and human rights defenders began in spring 2006, with the prosecution resting its case in April 2007. More than 30 defendants were acquitted. In June 38 others, including human rights leader Mesfin Woldemariam and parliamentarian Kifle Tigneh, were convicted and sentenced to life, but they were pardoned and released in July, after a presidential pardon was negotiated by Ethiopian elders and other parties.
Two civil society activists and human rights lawyers, Daniel Bekele, policy manager of the Ethiopian office of ActionAid, and Netsanet Demissie, founder and director of the Organization for Social Justice, who refused to sign documents requesting pardon, were convicted in a trial which failed to meet international standards of justice, and sentenced to two years and eight months. Their convictions were based on evidence that did not prove beyond reasonable doubt that they committed a crime under Ethiopian law. While their release, after time served, was expected in early January they are still in prison. Yalemzawde Bekele, a human rights lawyer working for the European Commission, was charged in July 2007 with conspiring to commit outrage against the constitution, but granted bail pending trial in late March 2008.
Over 17,000 prisoners, mostly convicted criminals, were released in September 2007, by presidential amnesty upon the occasion of the Ethiopian millennium new year, while hundreds more CUD members detained in 2005 are still being held without trial.
Ethiopia renditions
In January and February 2007 Ethiopian forces in Somalia rendered at least 85 political prisoners to Ethiopia. Most had been arrested in Kenya when Kenya closed its border to people fleeing Somalia. Foreign nationals from some fourteen countries were released after some months and sent back to their countries of origin. In May the Ethiopian authorities acknowledged holding forty-one detainees in military custody, but authorities have still not released their charges or their whereabouts. These detainees included Somalis who are Kenyan citizens, two conscripted Eritrean journalists, and alleged members of armed Ethiopian opposition groups. Detainees from Kenya and Somalia were reported to have been tortured or ill-treated in secret military places of detention in Addis Ababa. Fifteen refugees forcibly returned to Ethiopia by Sudan in August 2007 were detained in Ethiopia, and five people from the Somali Region were forcibly returned to Ethiopia by Somaliland in October 2007 and their whereabouts are unknown.
Mississippi has decided to close the state's notorious Columbia Training School
The state of Mississippi has decided to close the state's notorious Columbia Training School, seven months after the Southern Poverty Law Center sued the state to stop the physical and sexual abuse of teenage girls confined there.
The SPLC suit exposed brutal conditions at the prison, including the painful shackling of girls for weeks at a time. It also sought to force the state to provide mental health and rehabilitative services to girls, many of whom suffer from emotional problems or mental illness.
In announcing the decision today, the state's Department of Human Services (DHS) said Gov. Haley Barbour and the DHS recognized the need to provide the best possible care and supervision of juveniles placed in state custody and the need to use taxpayer funds efficiently. The DHS also said the state seeks to decrease incarceration of juveniles and provide quality services for at-risk youth.
"We applaud the governor's wisdom in making this decision," said Bear Atwood, director of the SPLC's Mississippi Youth Justice Project. "It takes courage and foresight to change the status quo. We are heartened that Mississippi is realizing that harsh punishment for juveniles who commit minor offenses is not only ineffective but counterproductive."
The DHS said it will transfer the 37 girls at Columbia to Oakley Training School, the state's prison for boys, within the next 90 days. The legislature will be asked to permanently close Columbia.
"Most of the girls at Columbia do not belong in prison at all," Atwood said. "Most are there for very minor, nonviolent offenses. Ripping them from their families and locking them up only encourages further delinquency."
Most of the girls at Columbia could be treated far more effectively — at half the cost — in community-based programs that focus on rehabilitation and mental health treatment. In 2007, according to the state, it cost $5.8 million to house an average population of 47 girls. The facility has 109 staffers.
The SPLC suit exposed brutal conditions at the prison, including the painful shackling of girls for weeks at a time. It also sought to force the state to provide mental health and rehabilitative services to girls, many of whom suffer from emotional problems or mental illness.
In announcing the decision today, the state's Department of Human Services (DHS) said Gov. Haley Barbour and the DHS recognized the need to provide the best possible care and supervision of juveniles placed in state custody and the need to use taxpayer funds efficiently. The DHS also said the state seeks to decrease incarceration of juveniles and provide quality services for at-risk youth.
"We applaud the governor's wisdom in making this decision," said Bear Atwood, director of the SPLC's Mississippi Youth Justice Project. "It takes courage and foresight to change the status quo. We are heartened that Mississippi is realizing that harsh punishment for juveniles who commit minor offenses is not only ineffective but counterproductive."
The DHS said it will transfer the 37 girls at Columbia to Oakley Training School, the state's prison for boys, within the next 90 days. The legislature will be asked to permanently close Columbia.
"Most of the girls at Columbia do not belong in prison at all," Atwood said. "Most are there for very minor, nonviolent offenses. Ripping them from their families and locking them up only encourages further delinquency."
Most of the girls at Columbia could be treated far more effectively — at half the cost — in community-based programs that focus on rehabilitation and mental health treatment. In 2007, according to the state, it cost $5.8 million to house an average population of 47 girls. The facility has 109 staffers.
Confining mentally ill inmates to segregation is a violation of human rights amounting to torture
Confining mentally ill inmates to segregation is a violation of human rights amounting to torture, the local branch of the Elizabeth Fry Society says The Central East Correctional Centre in Lindsay closed its special needs unit last month, redirecting mentally ill patients into the jail's general population, protective custody or segregation. The closing sparked condemnation from the local branch of the Canadian Mental Health Association and some local lawyers who argued it placed special needs inmates at an increased risk. Female inmates with mental health issues had no access to the special needs unit while it was operating and are routinely placed in segregation.
Ruth Schaeffer attends the Central East Correctional Centre once a week as a prison advocate for the Elizabeth Fry Society, which supports women in conflict with the law through advocacy, education and programming. Schaeffer said she continually meets mentally ill women who have been put in segregation cells and calls the practice unjust.
"If you're a woman and you're mentally ill, you're going to be put automatically into a segregation cell," Schaeffer said.
"This is absolutely a human rights issue ... segregation is a form of torture."
Segregation cells offer the bare minimum in necessities - a metal toilet with no lid, a metal bed and a washbasin.
Segregated inmates have no contact with other inmates, and in Schaeffer's experience, have limited access to special programming available to the jail's general population. "(Segregated inmates) get very lonely and depressed," she said.
Ruth Schaeffer attends the Central East Correctional Centre once a week as a prison advocate for the Elizabeth Fry Society, which supports women in conflict with the law through advocacy, education and programming. Schaeffer said she continually meets mentally ill women who have been put in segregation cells and calls the practice unjust.
"If you're a woman and you're mentally ill, you're going to be put automatically into a segregation cell," Schaeffer said.
"This is absolutely a human rights issue ... segregation is a form of torture."
Segregation cells offer the bare minimum in necessities - a metal toilet with no lid, a metal bed and a washbasin.
Segregated inmates have no contact with other inmates, and in Schaeffer's experience, have limited access to special programming available to the jail's general population. "(Segregated inmates) get very lonely and depressed," she said.
Desperate property owner told the police he was just out of jail
A criminal court here has sentenced a national to a year in jail for putting a house he owned on fire to oust tenants. The house near Madinat Khalifa was rented out to a company which was using it as a labour camp. The convict had been asking the company to vacate the premises but the latter refused to oblige. Interestingly, the convict was just out of prison having served a three-year term for drug peddling. The man was so upset with the refusal of the company to vacate the house that he decided to take the law into his hands. It was winter and one day early in the morning, he drove to the place breaking the main gate of the compound of the house open. He later broke into the house, shattering glass panes of some windows. The labourers were fast asleep inside since it was 2am. They were, however, woken up by the loud noise, but before they could realize what was happening, the intruder put some blankets lying around in an inside room on fire.
He then began quarreling with the workers. They panicked and called in the police. A police party soon arrived on the scene and prevented the man from causing further damage to the property. He was taken into custody and his car, which was lying outside having been deliberately run into the main gate, was seized by the cops as a piece of evidence.
During interrogation, the desperate property owner told the police he was just out of jail having served a three-year sentence for drug peddling. “This house belongs to me. It is rented out to a company which is using it as a labour lodging. I asked the company to vacate it but its officials refused,” he said. He, however, confessed to having intruded into the house and caused severe damage. The court headed by Judge Salah Al Sharif took a serious note of the offence and sentenced him to a year in jail.
He then began quarreling with the workers. They panicked and called in the police. A police party soon arrived on the scene and prevented the man from causing further damage to the property. He was taken into custody and his car, which was lying outside having been deliberately run into the main gate, was seized by the cops as a piece of evidence.
During interrogation, the desperate property owner told the police he was just out of jail having served a three-year sentence for drug peddling. “This house belongs to me. It is rented out to a company which is using it as a labour lodging. I asked the company to vacate it but its officials refused,” he said. He, however, confessed to having intruded into the house and caused severe damage. The court headed by Judge Salah Al Sharif took a serious note of the offence and sentenced him to a year in jail.
Central Special Rehabilitation Correctional Institution in Lat Yao
Prisoners are able to smuggle drugs and mobile phones into jail after attending court hearings because staff are not allowed to carry out full body searches when they return, the head of the Corrections Department said yesterday. Wanchai Roujanawong said prisoners often hid these items inside their rectum or genitals.
He was commenting after Songkran Chaiwong, 26, attempted to deliver drugs to a prisoner, Banjong Soikaew, during a trial at the Criminal Court on Monday.
Two packages containing 30 ecstasy pills, two packets of crystal methamphetamine and 30 Erimin tranquilliser pills were seized. Both packages were wrapped in condoms so they could be concealed inside a body cavity. Songkran said he was commissioned over the phone by a prisoner in jail to smuggle the drugs into the court. Mr Wanchai said Banjong, 26, an inmate at the Central Special Rehabilitation Correctional Institution in Lat Yao, was the buyer. He had planned to send the drugs on to another inmate at Bangkok Special Prison.
The prison's director, Preeda Nilsiri, had been ordered to investigate the prisoner and how the mobile phone was taken into the jail, Mr Wanchai said. Banjong was later sentenced to 50 years in prison and fined 1.33 million baht for possessing 2,880 methamphetamine pills and illegal possession of firearms. He was also sentenced to six months for contempt of court, as was Songkran. Banjong was part of a drug network based in Chachoengsao province, according to the prosecution.
''If it is proven that this prisoner was buying drugs to resell in jail, he will be moved to the central prison in Khao Bin of Nakhon Ratchasima province in order to cut the supply route of drugs in the prison,'' said Mr Wanchai.
The department is trying to tackle the problem of prisoners ordering drugs from jails and has plans to install telephone detectors in big prisons around the country. ''If a mobile phone is used in a prison, the officials will know of it instantly [if the detectors are installed],'' said Mr Wanchai. The department earlier installed phone detectors at the central prison in Nonthaburi, but people living nearby complained because their mobile phone signals were often cut off. He later ordered that the detector moved to the central prison in Klong Prem, where it is under evaluation.
He was commenting after Songkran Chaiwong, 26, attempted to deliver drugs to a prisoner, Banjong Soikaew, during a trial at the Criminal Court on Monday.
Two packages containing 30 ecstasy pills, two packets of crystal methamphetamine and 30 Erimin tranquilliser pills were seized. Both packages were wrapped in condoms so they could be concealed inside a body cavity. Songkran said he was commissioned over the phone by a prisoner in jail to smuggle the drugs into the court. Mr Wanchai said Banjong, 26, an inmate at the Central Special Rehabilitation Correctional Institution in Lat Yao, was the buyer. He had planned to send the drugs on to another inmate at Bangkok Special Prison.
The prison's director, Preeda Nilsiri, had been ordered to investigate the prisoner and how the mobile phone was taken into the jail, Mr Wanchai said. Banjong was later sentenced to 50 years in prison and fined 1.33 million baht for possessing 2,880 methamphetamine pills and illegal possession of firearms. He was also sentenced to six months for contempt of court, as was Songkran. Banjong was part of a drug network based in Chachoengsao province, according to the prosecution.
''If it is proven that this prisoner was buying drugs to resell in jail, he will be moved to the central prison in Khao Bin of Nakhon Ratchasima province in order to cut the supply route of drugs in the prison,'' said Mr Wanchai.
The department is trying to tackle the problem of prisoners ordering drugs from jails and has plans to install telephone detectors in big prisons around the country. ''If a mobile phone is used in a prison, the officials will know of it instantly [if the detectors are installed],'' said Mr Wanchai. The department earlier installed phone detectors at the central prison in Nonthaburi, but people living nearby complained because their mobile phone signals were often cut off. He later ordered that the detector moved to the central prison in Klong Prem, where it is under evaluation.
Leeds prison more deaths in custody
There have been two more deaths in custody at Leeds prison. This is after a report was published by the Independent Monitoring Board into conditions at the prison. Kassa Osebu was awaiting trial for the murder of his wife and he was found dead in October last year and this last week, Masuillah Hafesjee, a convicted sex offender, was found dead as well. David Hanson is Minister with responsibility for prisons at the Ministry of Justice.
One of our highest priorities is to target aliens with criminal convictions who target those in their community
Protesters carried a large banner demanding “dignity, justice and equality” during a demonstration supporting immigrant rights Tuesday in front of the Travis County Jail.
The demonstration, hosted by the Workers Defense Project, was held in response to the recent decisions by the Travis County Sheriff’s Office to expand its collaboration with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Protesters said the organization is the source of much controversy within the immigrant community.Collaboration with ICE will undermine the trust between local law enforcement and the immigrant community, said Cristina Tzintzun, a representative for the Workers Defense Project, an immigrant workers’ rights organization.
“We are presenting a letter today to the Travis County Jail signed by a broad base of community organizations, churches and immigration organizations to let them know there is large support for this cause,” Tzintzun said.
Many of the protesters spoke of the importance of cooperation between local law enforcement and the immigrant population.“A number of people have had their homes broken into, but they don’t report it because of their legal status, and that causes a threat to all of us,” said Rev. John Korcsmar of the Dolores Catholic Church.
Though many protesters are worried about the inability of immigrant families to report crimes or domestic violence to local authorities, ICE officials say their programs are designed to keep communities safe.
“Many of the victims of criminal aliens are illegal aliens themselves,” said ICE spokesman Carl Rusnok. “One of our highest priorities is to target aliens with criminal convictions who target those in their community.”
Rusnok said the agency has many programs that partner with local law enforcement to combat crime.However, fear of imprisonment and deportation deters many victimized immigrants, including victims of domestic violence, from cooperating with local police, Tzintzun said.Roger Wade, a spokesman for the Travis County Sheriff’s Office, said the expanded collaboration with ICE is not a new program. Though he said he could not comment on specific arguments from the protest, Wade said the organization has been working in the Travis County Jail for the past 28 years to check on inmates who are illegal immigrants.
“We will continue to work with all federal, state and local law enforcement agencies,” Wade said.
The demonstration, hosted by the Workers Defense Project, was held in response to the recent decisions by the Travis County Sheriff’s Office to expand its collaboration with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Protesters said the organization is the source of much controversy within the immigrant community.Collaboration with ICE will undermine the trust between local law enforcement and the immigrant community, said Cristina Tzintzun, a representative for the Workers Defense Project, an immigrant workers’ rights organization.
“We are presenting a letter today to the Travis County Jail signed by a broad base of community organizations, churches and immigration organizations to let them know there is large support for this cause,” Tzintzun said.
Many of the protesters spoke of the importance of cooperation between local law enforcement and the immigrant population.“A number of people have had their homes broken into, but they don’t report it because of their legal status, and that causes a threat to all of us,” said Rev. John Korcsmar of the Dolores Catholic Church.
Though many protesters are worried about the inability of immigrant families to report crimes or domestic violence to local authorities, ICE officials say their programs are designed to keep communities safe.
“Many of the victims of criminal aliens are illegal aliens themselves,” said ICE spokesman Carl Rusnok. “One of our highest priorities is to target aliens with criminal convictions who target those in their community.”
Rusnok said the agency has many programs that partner with local law enforcement to combat crime.However, fear of imprisonment and deportation deters many victimized immigrants, including victims of domestic violence, from cooperating with local police, Tzintzun said.Roger Wade, a spokesman for the Travis County Sheriff’s Office, said the expanded collaboration with ICE is not a new program. Though he said he could not comment on specific arguments from the protest, Wade said the organization has been working in the Travis County Jail for the past 28 years to check on inmates who are illegal immigrants.
“We will continue to work with all federal, state and local law enforcement agencies,” Wade said.
Macedonia's five largest prisons Prisoners say that cells were packed, with six to eight people

About 4m euros in government funds and 10m euros in European Council credits will be used to extensively renovate Macedonia's five largest prisons from April 2008 until May 2010. The goal of the multiphase project is to meet EU standards by renovating prisons in the cities of Prilep, Ohrid, and Stip, the Idrizovo central state prison and the Sutka jail. "In Idrizovo we plan to build a hospital prison for addicts and chronically ill patients, a facility for inmates with longer sentences and a facility for older inmates. The female prison will be transformed into a female state prison," said Ministry of Justice director of the Sanctions Enforcement Directorate Jordan Mihajlovski. He added, "The European Council, in considering our application for EU membership, mainly urged us to raise overall standards. We aim to bring the prison conditions in line with human rights requirements." About 1.8m euros from the CARDS 2006 project will be used for reconstruction of prisons in Stip and Prilep, and the central state prison Idrizovo. Afterward, Stip will be upgraded to a regional prison and its capacity will grow to 400, relieving some of the overcrowding at Idrizovo. "Many shortcomings in Macedonia's prisons from the 2004 monitoring have been eliminated," EU Council representative Eric Shivanidze said. He added, "The living conditions saw some improvement, but the prison security and administration personnel shortages still exist." Deputy ombudsman Dragi Celevski concluded after his 2006 and 2007 prison visits that, "Living conditions and the procedures for approving furloughs, visits, and other privileges were the most common problems for which convicts sought our help." The overarching problem he found, however, was that inmates were unaware of their rights. "We instructed them on how to protect their rights," said Celevski. Prisoners say that cells were packed, with six to eight people in a four-person cell, some sleeping on floor mats, with stale air, surrounded by mold-covered walls and ceilings. At times, inmates with short sentences were in the same cell with convicts serving long sentences. Drugs were available more easily than on the streets, while the price was sometimes ten times higher.
Currently, Macedonia's prison population is 2,200. Of that, 1,350 are in Idrizovo, exceeding its capacity by 400. The Sutka jail is also full after several large-scale roundups in recent months.
Complaints about prison conditions were made repeatedly during the last 17 years by the Macedonia chapter of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights and other human rights-oriented NGOs, as well as by inmates' relatives and lawyers.
Sunday, 16 March 2008
1 in 100 adults in the United States are now living behind bars.

The incarceration rate—one in every 99.1 adults—is the highest in U.S. history.The figure reflects more than 30 years of steady expansion of the prison population. The United States also leads in absolute numbers with 2.3 million adults incarcerated. China, whose population is more than four times that of the United States, places at a distant second with 1.5 million prisoners.The Pew report expresses incarceration rates relative to the adult population. By contrast, the U.S. Department of Justice computes less meaningful statistics relative to the entire population, including those too young to be incarcerated.The authors of the Pew report—which focuses primarily on the population in federal and state prisons and local jails—admit that even their statistics leave many inmates uncounted. Excluded are those held in territorial prisons, facilities managed by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, military facilities, juvenile facilities, and jails in Native American territories. At the end of 2006, there were 126,230 people held in such facilities.One of the study’s conclusions is particularly noteworthy: Current prisongrowth is not driven by a parallel increase in crime or a corresponding growth in population, but rather by policies enacted by lawmakers.Three-strikes measures, the criminalization of minor offenses such as drug possession, and scores of other sentencing enhancements touted by "tough-on-crime" politicians have fueled the prison population surge. There is no evidence that such harsh measures have a substantial impact on crime rates.Another cause of the surging prison population is the increasingly severe punishment for parole violations. For instance, out of all California parolees who return to prison within three years of their release, 39 percent do so because of violations like failing a drug test or as minor as missing an appointment with a supervisor. Whether or not a prisoner even receives parole is largely up to the whims of parole boards.In 2007, states spent $49 billion in prisons and jails that could have been put toward a number of social needs. While inflation-adjusted higher education spending from state general funds grew by 21 percent between 1987 and 2007, spending on the prison system rose 127 percent during the same period.Pre-kindergarten schooling, which is proven to dramatically reduce juvenile and adult crime and improve high school graduation rates, could also benefit from dollars currently flowing into prisons.In characteristic bourgeois fashion, the Pew analysis focuses primarily on the fiscal concerns of state governments. The inhumane character of the prison system takes a backseat.
For instance, the report points to the high risk of communicable diseases in prison, including Hepatitis C infection rates hovering between 25 and 40 percent in the vast majority of states. Older convicts must cope with depression and the early onset of chronic diseases. Rather than indicting the prison system for such appalling conditions, the authors focus solely on the high cost of treatment.
Similarly, the report mentions that legal struggles in California have court oversight of inmate health care with an annual price tag of $2.1 billion. A smaller prison population, the report argues, would mean less healthcare spending. Shorter sentences or earlier paroles are not seen as ends in themselves, but rather means to cut spending, since freed inmates would enjoy the same lack of government-provided health care as the general population.The Pew report’s concern with ballooning prison budgets overlooks an important point: prisons are a profitable business. The largest U.S. private prison operator, Corrections Corporation of America, reported nearly $1.5 billion in total revenues in 2007. The Geo Group came in second reporting over $1 billion. Each person behind bars is a new profit opportunity.
Corporate vultures compete to divvy up government resources amongst themselves. Legislators are at the service of the highest bidder. Pleasing their major financial backers is a much higher priority for politicians than any fiscal responsibility considerations.Prisons are also fundamental for the maintenance of the capitalist order. Capitalist competition leads to recurring crises where capitalists produce more than they can sell for a profit. The burden of these crises is placed on the shoulders of the working class in the form of mass layoffs, poverty, homelessness and want. In addition, national oppression keeps many African American and Latino communities in a perpetual state of economic crisis.
Especially since the high-tech revolution and decline of U.S. industry, incarceration has been a primary tool to control the increasing number of working poor and unemployed.
The Pew report reveals that only one in 30 men between the ages of 20 and 34 is incarcerated, but when we look at only Black males in the same age group, the figure shoots up to a mind-boggling one in nine. Black women too are imprisoned at much higher rates than women in general, and rates for youth far outpace other age groups.
The same institutionalized racism that confines people of color to the lowest rungs of the economy also makes them first in line to enter the prison system.
Whether one argues for prisons, correction programs, or a combination of measures such as those proposed by the Pew study, the bourgeois narrative puts all blame on those behind bars. But it is the ruling class that is guilty. It is guilty not simply of "faulty policies." It is guilty of maintaining a fundamentally anti-worker, racist social order that incarcerates the poor and unemployed at an ever-growing rate
"no other society in human history has imprisoned so many of its own citizens."
Human rights organizations, as well as political and social ones, are condemning what they are calling a new form of inhumane exploitation in the United States, where they say a prison population of up to 2 million - mostly Black and Hispanic - are working for various industries for a pittance. For the tycoons who have invested in the prison industry, it has been like finding a pot of gold. They don't have to worry about strikes or paying unemployment insurance, vacations or comp time. All of their workers are full-time, and never arrive late or are absent because of family problems; moreover, if they don't like the pay of 25 cents an hour and refuse to work, they are locked up in isolation cells.
There are approximately 2 million inmates in state, federal and private prisons throughout the country. According to California Prison Focus, "no other society in human history has imprisoned so many of its own citizens." The figures show that the United States has locked up more people than any other country: a half million more than China, which has a population five times greater than the U.S. Statistics reveal that the United States holds 25% of the world's prison population, but only 5% of the world's people. From less than 300,000 inmates in 1972, the jail population grew to 2 million by the year 2000. In 1990 it was one million. Ten years ago there were only five private prisons in the country, with a population of 2,000 inmates; now, there are 100, with 62,000 inmates. It is expected that by the coming decade, the number will hit 360,000, according to reports.What has happened over the last 10 years? Why are there so many prisoners?
"The private contracting of prisoners for work fosters incentives to lock people up. Prisons depend on this income. Corporate stockholders who make money off prisoners' work lobby for longer sentences, in order to expand their workforce. The system feeds itself," says a study by the Progressive Labor Party, which accuses the prison industry of being "an imitation of Nazi Germany with respect to forced slave labor and concentration camps."The prison industry complex is one of the fastest-growing industries in the United States and its investors are on Wall Street. "This multimillion-dollar industry has its own trade exhibitions, conventions, websites, and mail-order/Internet catalogs. It also has direct advertising campaigns, architecture companies, construction companies, investment houses on Wall Street, plumbing supply companies, food supply companies, armed security, and padded cells in a large variety of colors."
According to the Left Business Observer, the federal prison industry produces 100% of all military helmets, ammunition belts, bullet-proof vests, ID tags, shirts, pants, tents, bags, and canteens. Along with war supplies, prison workers supply 98% of the entire market for equipment assembly services; 93% of paints and paintbrushes; 92% of stove assembly; 46% of body armor; 36% of home appliances; 30% of headphones/microphones/speakers; and 21% of office furniture. Airplane parts, medical supplies, and much more: prisoners are even raising seeing-eye dogs for blind people.
There are approximately 2 million inmates in state, federal and private prisons throughout the country. According to California Prison Focus, "no other society in human history has imprisoned so many of its own citizens." The figures show that the United States has locked up more people than any other country: a half million more than China, which has a population five times greater than the U.S. Statistics reveal that the United States holds 25% of the world's prison population, but only 5% of the world's people. From less than 300,000 inmates in 1972, the jail population grew to 2 million by the year 2000. In 1990 it was one million. Ten years ago there were only five private prisons in the country, with a population of 2,000 inmates; now, there are 100, with 62,000 inmates. It is expected that by the coming decade, the number will hit 360,000, according to reports.What has happened over the last 10 years? Why are there so many prisoners?
"The private contracting of prisoners for work fosters incentives to lock people up. Prisons depend on this income. Corporate stockholders who make money off prisoners' work lobby for longer sentences, in order to expand their workforce. The system feeds itself," says a study by the Progressive Labor Party, which accuses the prison industry of being "an imitation of Nazi Germany with respect to forced slave labor and concentration camps."The prison industry complex is one of the fastest-growing industries in the United States and its investors are on Wall Street. "This multimillion-dollar industry has its own trade exhibitions, conventions, websites, and mail-order/Internet catalogs. It also has direct advertising campaigns, architecture companies, construction companies, investment houses on Wall Street, plumbing supply companies, food supply companies, armed security, and padded cells in a large variety of colors."
According to the Left Business Observer, the federal prison industry produces 100% of all military helmets, ammunition belts, bullet-proof vests, ID tags, shirts, pants, tents, bags, and canteens. Along with war supplies, prison workers supply 98% of the entire market for equipment assembly services; 93% of paints and paintbrushes; 92% of stove assembly; 46% of body armor; 36% of home appliances; 30% of headphones/microphones/speakers; and 21% of office furniture. Airplane parts, medical supplies, and much more: prisoners are even raising seeing-eye dogs for blind people.
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Gourouza Aboubacar, Managing Editor of `L`Eveil Plus`, a bi-weekly independent newspaper, to one month in prison
A court in Niamey, Niger, has sentenced Gourouza Aboubacar, Managing Editor of `L`Eveil Plus`, a bi-weekly independent newspaper, to one month in prison without remission and fine of 50,000 CFA Francs (approximately U S $125) "for allegedly bringing the Nigerien justice system into disrepute," a sub-regional media freedom watchdog revealed Monday. The Accra-based Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA), in a press communiqué made available here and signed by its director, Kwame Karkari, expressed concern over the verdict. "This is a clear manifestation of intolerance of alternative views in Niger," he said, adding: "we call on the authorities to demonstrate respect for press freedom." The sentence followed a complaint filed by a state prosecutor against the journalist, who had been arrested and detained at Niamey Civil Prison since 25 February. A complaint for libel was also filed by Moussa Keita, politician and former activist in the "National Movement for a Developing Society" - Nassara (MNSD-Nassara).
However, Keita withdrew his complaint after a request from the Niger Union of Independent Journalists (UJPN). On 29 January, L`Eveil Plus published two articles entitled "The Plot and Plotters Unmasked" and "The Issue of Niamey Urban Community (CUN): Another Plot against the MNSD" which prompted the complaints.
The first article was said to have accused Keita of "orchestrating" a major "conspiracy" to secure charges against former Prime Minister, Hama Amadou.
The second criticised the detention of the president of the CUN, Aboubacar Seydo u Ganda, who, according to the article, was held "without any evidence of the truth of the charges against him."
However, Keita withdrew his complaint after a request from the Niger Union of Independent Journalists (UJPN). On 29 January, L`Eveil Plus published two articles entitled "The Plot and Plotters Unmasked" and "The Issue of Niamey Urban Community (CUN): Another Plot against the MNSD" which prompted the complaints.
The first article was said to have accused Keita of "orchestrating" a major "conspiracy" to secure charges against former Prime Minister, Hama Amadou.
The second criticised the detention of the president of the CUN, Aboubacar Seydo u Ganda, who, according to the article, was held "without any evidence of the truth of the charges against him."
"Secret prison" and "torturing prisoners" have become synonymous with America

United States has many secret jails across the world, where prisoners were treated inhumanely, says the Human Rights Record of the United States in 2007 issued here on Thursday. "Secret prison" and "torturing prisoners" have become synonymous with America, says the report which was released by the Information Office of the State Council of China. In May 2007, the UN special rapporteur on the protection of human right while countering terrorism said after his visit to the United States the latter has detained 700 people in Afghanistan and 18,000 in Iraq for reasons related to the fight against terrorism. The special rapporteur expressed his concern over the conditions of detainees at Guantanamo Bay and other secret detention facilities, the lack of justice protection and access to fair trial for terrorist suspects, as well as the rendition of suspects. He also expressed his disappointment that the U.S. government had refused to allow him to visit Guantanamo Bay and other places of secret detention. In addition to Guantanamo Bay where prisoners were subject to gruesome tortures, the United States also ran secret facilities in Jordan and Ethiopia, where detainees were brutally treated. The Washington Post reported on Dec. 1, 2007 that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had been running a secret jail on the outskirts of Jordan capital Amman since 2000, where many non-Jordanian terrorism suspects had been detained and interrogated with severe abuse. According to media reports, CIA detained hundreds of AL-Qaeda suspects in a secret location in Ethiopia. The detainees came from19 countries and included women and children as young as seven months. They were illegally deported to Ethiopia where they were held in horrific conditions in crowded jails, with a dozen detainees sharing a single 10 feet by 10 feet cell. There were little food, and abuse and torture were commonplace. Also CIA often tortured detained terrorist suspects by using waterboarding and mock execution. The American Broadcasting Company (ABC) described in a report how waterboarding is done: the prisoner is bound to an inclined board, feet raised and head slightly below the feet. Cellophane is wrapped over the prisoner's face and water is poured over him. Unavoidably, the gag reflex kicks in and a terrifying fear of drowning leads to almost instant pleas to bring the treatment to a halt. The New York Times said in a report on Dec. 7, 2007 that CIA in 2005 destroyed at least two videotapes documenting the interrogation of two Al-Qaeda operatives in 2002 in the agency's custody, which was widely believed that CIA was trying to destroy evidences of the existence of its secret detention program. Besides, women prisoners were often subject to humiliation in Iraq. Reports said many of them became victims of Iraqi police and the occupying forces.
According to a Spain-based newspaper Rebellion's report, Iraqis said there had never been so many rapes and atrocities against women in any war since the Middle Ages as witnessed in the Iraqi war
20 years of drug abuse in U.K.prisons
abuse of heroin and other opiates is more widespread than cannabis in jails in England and Wales, according to figures published yesterday. One in six inmates tested positive for opiates such as heroin in random tests. Overall, 4.2 per cent of the tests found evidence of opiate abuse compared with 4 per cent for cannabis use.
The highest level of opiate abuse was at Featherstone prison near Wolverhampton, with 16.7 per cent of inmates testing positive, according to the figures published by the Ministry of Justice. In second place was Erlestoke, a jail with room for 350 inmates, near Devizes, Wiltshire, with 16.1 per cent testing positive. Only 38 of the 130 jails in England and Wales were clear of positive opiate tests, the survey conducted in July last year showed. The Independent Monitoring Board’s annual report said: “It will only be a matter of time before [there is] a fatality caused by an inexperienced prisoner taking drugs of this potency for the first time.” However, a spokesman for the Ministry of Justice said that the proportion of positive results in the mandatory drug tests had fallen from 24.4 per cent in 1996-97 to 8.8 per cent in 2006-07. The figures were released as the Ministry of Justice announced that testing for the opiate substitute buprenorphine, also known as Subutex or “subbies”, is to be introduced into all jails next month.
Positive tests for buprenorphine, which is used like methadone to wean people off heroin, were recorded in 63 jails with the highest levels found in prisons in the North East. More than one in five inmates in Holme House jail in Stockton-on-Tees tested positive for the drug, with five other jails showing levels of between 11 per cent and 16.5 per cent. David Hanson, the Prisons Minister, said: “The increased misuse of buprenorphine does not detract from the considerable achievement of prisons over the last ten years in reducing the supply of drugs. Buprenorphine misuse presents a new challenge which is why testing will be introduced in all prisons to act as a deterrent.” Earlier this week Mr Hanson announced that David Blakey, the former Chief Constable of West Mercia, would conduct the review of the Prison Service’s strategy to prevent drugs entering jails, due to be completed by May.
The figures showed that an average of 55 per cent of new prisoners tested positive for Class A drugs, rising to 80 per cent in some prisons.
The highest level of opiate abuse was at Featherstone prison near Wolverhampton, with 16.7 per cent of inmates testing positive, according to the figures published by the Ministry of Justice. In second place was Erlestoke, a jail with room for 350 inmates, near Devizes, Wiltshire, with 16.1 per cent testing positive. Only 38 of the 130 jails in England and Wales were clear of positive opiate tests, the survey conducted in July last year showed. The Independent Monitoring Board’s annual report said: “It will only be a matter of time before [there is] a fatality caused by an inexperienced prisoner taking drugs of this potency for the first time.” However, a spokesman for the Ministry of Justice said that the proportion of positive results in the mandatory drug tests had fallen from 24.4 per cent in 1996-97 to 8.8 per cent in 2006-07. The figures were released as the Ministry of Justice announced that testing for the opiate substitute buprenorphine, also known as Subutex or “subbies”, is to be introduced into all jails next month.
Positive tests for buprenorphine, which is used like methadone to wean people off heroin, were recorded in 63 jails with the highest levels found in prisons in the North East. More than one in five inmates in Holme House jail in Stockton-on-Tees tested positive for the drug, with five other jails showing levels of between 11 per cent and 16.5 per cent. David Hanson, the Prisons Minister, said: “The increased misuse of buprenorphine does not detract from the considerable achievement of prisons over the last ten years in reducing the supply of drugs. Buprenorphine misuse presents a new challenge which is why testing will be introduced in all prisons to act as a deterrent.” Earlier this week Mr Hanson announced that David Blakey, the former Chief Constable of West Mercia, would conduct the review of the Prison Service’s strategy to prevent drugs entering jails, due to be completed by May.
The figures showed that an average of 55 per cent of new prisoners tested positive for Class A drugs, rising to 80 per cent in some prisons.
Detainees were being treated inhumanly by the jail authorities, depriving them of basic necessities including food and medical care
In occupied Kashmir, the High Court has directed the Jail authorities in Jammu province to allow the Executive Body of the High Court Bar Association to visit and meet various jail inmates particularly those detained under Public Safety Act.
Acting on a petition filed by the Bar Association, the court directed the superintendents of Central Jail Jammu, District Jail Kathua, District Jail Udhampur, and Central Jail Kot Bhalwal to facilitate the interviews of detainees with the bar members. The court gave permission to executive body of the bar comprising its President, Nazir Ahmad Ronga, Vice President Muhammad Abdullah Pandit, Secretary Mohammed Ashraf Butt and Treasurer Muhammad Ashraf Dar to visit the jails in order to assess the condition of the prisoners and facilitate legal aid to them wherever required.
Meanwhile, a complete strike was observed by the lawyers to protest against the miserable plight of Kashmiri detainees in different jails of occupied Kashmir and India, responding to a call made by the High Court Bar Association.
The spokesman of the Association told media men that the detainees were being treated inhumanly by the jail authorities, depriving them of basic necessities including food and medical care. He denounced the thrashing and beating up of illegally detained Hurriyet leader Mussarrat Alam, by additional superintendent Kot Bhalwal Jail and CRPF personnel. The spokesmen also appealed to the international human rights organizations to visit jails and ensure safety of the detainees.
Acting on a petition filed by the Bar Association, the court directed the superintendents of Central Jail Jammu, District Jail Kathua, District Jail Udhampur, and Central Jail Kot Bhalwal to facilitate the interviews of detainees with the bar members. The court gave permission to executive body of the bar comprising its President, Nazir Ahmad Ronga, Vice President Muhammad Abdullah Pandit, Secretary Mohammed Ashraf Butt and Treasurer Muhammad Ashraf Dar to visit the jails in order to assess the condition of the prisoners and facilitate legal aid to them wherever required.
Meanwhile, a complete strike was observed by the lawyers to protest against the miserable plight of Kashmiri detainees in different jails of occupied Kashmir and India, responding to a call made by the High Court Bar Association.
The spokesman of the Association told media men that the detainees were being treated inhumanly by the jail authorities, depriving them of basic necessities including food and medical care. He denounced the thrashing and beating up of illegally detained Hurriyet leader Mussarrat Alam, by additional superintendent Kot Bhalwal Jail and CRPF personnel. The spokesmen also appealed to the international human rights organizations to visit jails and ensure safety of the detainees.
Thursday, 13 March 2008
Killed in the Bartica attack were residents Edwin Gilkes, Dexter Adrian and Irving Ferreira; policemen stationed at the Bartica Police Station

The three Guyanese men who were intercepted with a large amount of gold in Suriname may be part of a well-established, gold smuggling ring, supported by a network of Chinese businessmen operating out of Suriname. The trio was reportedly travelling in a locally registered car. However there is still a question as to whether there is any link between this find and the robbery of a gold dealer at Bartica on the night gunmen waged war in the community and took 12 lives. A police source told Stabroek News yesterday that the police here have been provided with the names of the men who were apprehended and are to be informed as to what action will be taken against them. The source said the incident could be dealt with as a customs matter and the persons made to pay the necessary fines in that regard. Another well-placed source told Stabroek News that there were suspicions that persons here with close links to mining camps would purchase gold illegally, accumulate it and then smuggle large amounts of it to neighbouring Suriname where the laws were a bit different and more favourable in terms of royalties and taxes, which would have to be paid. In Guyana, miners are subject to royalties of five per cent and a tax of two per cent and so selling gold here was not as lucrative. "So the police there may have caught up with some from that chain of smugglers," the source said. "But whether the gold they had may have come from the Bartica robbery is still to be determined." On February 17 when gunmen stormed Bartica, they had first attacked the police station where three policemen were shot and killed. They then went to the CB&R Mining Company where they shot and killed a security guard and stole 12 guns, a quantity of gold and some petty cash, which was in an iron safe. Neither CB&R Owner Chunilall Baboolall nor the police had ever revealed to this newspaper the amount of gold stolen.
The gunmen had also destroyed security cameras at the location.
They then proceeded to the home of gold dealer Gurudat Singh, from where, it was reported, they escaped with a safe. The source told this newspaper that the gunmen would have taken a large quantity of gold from this family's home. The source explained that many gold dealers have been taking advantage of the Guyana Gold Board having opened an office in Bartica and were selling their gold to avoid the security risk of holding it at their homes or offices. Many have concluded that the real intention of the February 17 massacre at Bartica might have been robbery and if the gold found in the possession of the trio in Suriname came from the Bartica robberies, then the theories of community members' participation would add up.
On that night, after attacking the community's arm of law enforcement and crippling any element of protection, the gunmen shot and injured innocent persons, supplemented their weaponry, and then executed six men who were on boats docked at the Transport and Harbours stelling.
Killed in the Bartica attack were residents Edwin Gilkes, Dexter Adrian and Irving Ferreira; policemen stationed at the Bartica Police Station, Lance Corporal Zaheer Zakir, and Constables Shane Fredericks and Ron Osborne, and Deonarine Singh of Wakenaam; Ronald Gomes of Kuru Kururu; Ashraf Khan of Middlesex, Essequibo; Abdool Yasin; Errol Thomas of Tuschen, East Bank Essequibo and Baldeo Singh of Montrose, East Coast Demerara, who were shot execution style at the stelling.
The gunmen were dressed in military type clothing and in bulletproof vests and armed with rapid-fire guns. They numbered around 20, residents estimated. The police said some of the gunmen were dressed in foreign camouflage and khaki clothing and some residents said they also appeared to be wearing helmets. After the incident the police said that 165 spent shells of 7.62 x 39 calibre, eight 7.62 x 51 spent shells, three .32 spent shells along with eleven 7.62 x 39 and fifteen .32 live rounds were recovered. The joint services have since recovered a gun stolen from the CB&R Mining Company. Law enforcement officials said they unearthed an abandoned camp at Bucktown, Wismar, which had been the likely hideout of the men. Searches at the camp produced a Guyana passport and NIS card in the name of Baboolall along with a quantity of eating utensils, a searchlight, a green tarpaulin, a hacksaw blade, and an empty plastic water container among other articles.
Passengers said they agreed to pay $4,000 apiece to be brought to the United States


Two Mexican men have been arrested on suspicion of smuggling a boatload of illegal immigrants on a 24-foot vessel that stranded them at sea for three days, authorities said.The alleged smugglers were among 15 people — 14 Mexicans and one Salvadoran — who were rescued Wednesday after being stranded without food or water, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection.The boat's engine died about 20 minutes after leaving Mexican shores and drifted north. The craft was found 12 miles off San Diego and 20 miles north of the Mexican border, according to Customs and Border Protection.
Eleven men and four women were taken to the Marine Corps Recruit Depot in San Diego and placed in custody of immigration authorities, said Vince Bond, a spokesman for the agency."They say they had been dead in the water for three days," Bond said. "No reported injuries. They were just hungry, thirsty and sunburned."
Alberto Lozano, a spokesman for the Mexican Consulate in San Diego, said the passengers entered the U.S. illegally.
Lauren Mack, a spokeswoman for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, said she did not know the names of the two Mexican men arrested.
Passengers said they agreed to pay $4,000 apiece to be brought to the United States, Mack said.The vessel may have had engine trouble or run out of fuel, Bond said. A pleasure cruise noticed people waving from the boat and called a private towing company, which alerted authorities, he said.The rescue comes amid a spate of smuggling attempts in California's Pacific waters.ICE agents have identified about 20 human smuggling boats in the San Diego area since August, Mack said. Those makeshift watercraft were found adrift, washed ashore or carrying illegal immigrants.
No deaths or serious injuries have been reported in those attempts.
People convicted of crack-cocaine offenses in eastern North Carolina are eligible for shorter terms
People convicted of crack-cocaine offenses in eastern North Carolina already have started inquiring about their sentences to see if they are eligible for shorter terms, according to a spokeswoman for federal prosecutors.Almost 500 offenders in 44 counties in the eastern part of the state are potentially eligible for shorter sentences because of new retroactive federal sentencing guidelines that took effect last week.Beginning March 3, those convicted of crack-cocaine charges could start petitioning federal judges for shorter prison terms. Across the country, about 20,000 offenders became eligible for shorter prison terms that day, according to a news release from the U.S. Department of Justice.The N.C. Eastern Federal Public Defender is handling motions in all cases unless the offenders are represented by a private attorney or there's a conflict, said Elizabeth Luck, a spokeswoman for the Raleigh office."We're getting lots of calls from clients asking if they're eligible," Luck said Tuesday. "Everybody wants to know if they're eligible."Ben David, district attorney for New Hanover and Pender counties, who has diverted some of the more serious drug cases in the county to federal court, said federal judges should carefully scrutinize cases before deciding to reduce sentences."Illegal drugs, notably crack cocaine, are the gasoline for the engine of violent crime," he said in an e-mail. "Many of these defendants are dangerous felons in possession of firearms who commit violent offenses with little to no regard for human life."
The changes in federal sentencing guidelines stem from a U.S. Sentencing Commission vote in December to make new crack-cocaine penalties retroactive, according to a news release from the commission.
New crack-cocaine penalties took effect in November 2007 to address the disparity between federal sentences for crack cocaine and the powder form of the drug, the commission stated.Cocaine is a stimulant. The powdered, hydrochloride salt form of cocaine can be snorted or dissolved in water and injected, according to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration. Crack is cocaine in the form of a rock crystal that can be heated and its vapors smoked. The term "crack" refers to the crackling sound heard when it is heated, according to the DEA.Not every offender will be eligible for a shorter sentence. A federal judge will balance the public's safety against the decision to release a crack-cocaine convict early, according to the commission. Each federal judge will decide how much a sentence should be curtailed.
The impact will be incremental over the next 30 years because many offenders will still have to complete mandatory five- to 10-year sentences, according to a U.S. Sentencing Commission news release.
Eastern District of North Carolina U.S. Attorney George E.B. Holding said in a news release that many of the offenders have gang ties and that his office would continue to investigate and prosecute crack-cocaine offenders.
"Crack cocaine remains a plague which affects some of our most vulnerable neighborhoods," Holding said in the release. "We refuse to surrender those vulnerable neighborhoods and citizens to drug dealers and gang members."
The changes in federal sentencing guidelines stem from a U.S. Sentencing Commission vote in December to make new crack-cocaine penalties retroactive, according to a news release from the commission.
New crack-cocaine penalties took effect in November 2007 to address the disparity between federal sentences for crack cocaine and the powder form of the drug, the commission stated.Cocaine is a stimulant. The powdered, hydrochloride salt form of cocaine can be snorted or dissolved in water and injected, according to the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration. Crack is cocaine in the form of a rock crystal that can be heated and its vapors smoked. The term "crack" refers to the crackling sound heard when it is heated, according to the DEA.Not every offender will be eligible for a shorter sentence. A federal judge will balance the public's safety against the decision to release a crack-cocaine convict early, according to the commission. Each federal judge will decide how much a sentence should be curtailed.
The impact will be incremental over the next 30 years because many offenders will still have to complete mandatory five- to 10-year sentences, according to a U.S. Sentencing Commission news release.
Eastern District of North Carolina U.S. Attorney George E.B. Holding said in a news release that many of the offenders have gang ties and that his office would continue to investigate and prosecute crack-cocaine offenders.
"Crack cocaine remains a plague which affects some of our most vulnerable neighborhoods," Holding said in the release. "We refuse to surrender those vulnerable neighborhoods and citizens to drug dealers and gang members."
Elisa Vazquez Sanchez charged with attempting to smuggle cocaine by strapping the drug to the legs of two children.
Mexican woman was facing a court appearance in London on Thursday after being charged with attempting to smuggle cocaine by strapping the drug to the legs of two children.Elisa Vazquez Sanchez, 40, was detained Tuesday at Heathrow airport after customs officers found bags of cocaine strapped to the legs of an 11-year-old girl and a 13-year-old boy. Sanchez's relationship with the children was not disclosed.
Authorities said a total of about 15 kilos (33 pounds) of the drug was discovered, with an estimated street value of 675,000 pounds (€1882,000; US$1.36 million).
he woman arrived in London with the children on a flight from Mexico, customs officials said.The girl was released without charge and the boy was freed on bail and ordered to appear at a police station on April 10, the customs agency said.
Both children are now in the care of social services."We never cease to be amazed at the lengths to which some people will go to hide drugs from us when they pass through our controls," said Bob Gaiger, Revenue & Customs spokesman at Heathrow.
Authorities said a total of about 15 kilos (33 pounds) of the drug was discovered, with an estimated street value of 675,000 pounds (€1882,000; US$1.36 million).
he woman arrived in London with the children on a flight from Mexico, customs officials said.The girl was released without charge and the boy was freed on bail and ordered to appear at a police station on April 10, the customs agency said.
Both children are now in the care of social services."We never cease to be amazed at the lengths to which some people will go to hide drugs from us when they pass through our controls," said Bob Gaiger, Revenue & Customs spokesman at Heathrow.
Detention of immigrants is the fastest-growing form of incarceration in the US

The prison, run by Corrections Corp. of America (CCA), the country’s largest for-profit jailer, is 30 miles north of the Texas capital. It imprisons families and children under harsh conditions that have caused protests to get it shut down.
Adrienne Evans with the Free the Children Coalition in Terlingua, Texas, had called for people “to join together and make a stand against this injustice inflicted on women and children by our government. What better way to spend International Women’s Day?”Women, children and their male allies held a peace walk through downtown Taylor and then rallied across from the detention center until sunset. They ended with a candlelight vigil and a prayer ceremony.
The Department of Homeland Security opened the 510-bed facility in May 2006 as the first detention center for families. Hutto holds men, women, some of whom are pregnant, children and infants while their applications for political asylum are being considered. None is charged with a criminal offense, yet they are all held in a former prison under prison-like conditions.Most of the detainees are from Central and South America. There are also Africans, Asians, Europeans and families from the Middle East.At a congressional hearing two days before International Women’s Day, Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff had defended the administration’s treatment of immigrants during workplace raids and at detention facilities. He faced tough questioning by U.S. Reps. Sheila Jackson-Lee (D-Texas) and Linda Sanchez (D-Calif.) about the treatment of children at immigrant facilities in Hutto and a smaller family facility in Berks County, Pa.
On Feb. 9, community activists in Houston had heard a moving personal account of life at Hutto by a woman who survived it. Denia and her children, who came from Honduras, spent months at Hutto and are still dealing with the traumatizing incarceration. Speaking through a translator, she and her mother, MarÃa, shared how the children still have nightmares about the prison.Denia said that her main source of stress while at Hutto was that she and her children were constantly hungry. They didn’t get proper nutrition, even though Denia was pregnant at the time. She received no prenatal care and worried that her unborn child was ill. MarÃa had heard about a woman having a miscarriage due to lack of health care, so she visited often and left enough money for Denia to buy food and phone cards. But Denia received only one bag of chips and one phone card.Denia’s children were not allowed to have toys in their cell. They received only one hour of schooling a day and the rest of the time had to sit quietly. There was never normal playtime for the children.
The meeting was co-hosted by Multicultural Education through Counseling and the Arts (MECA) and Grassroots Leadership. A film, “Hutto: America’s Family Prison,” was screened about the ongoing campaign to shut down the facility.Denia’s experiences are typical of abuses other detainees suffered in Hutto. Fortunately, the protests over conditions at Hutto attracted many in the immigrant rights movement in Austin, Texas, including attorneys and law students. The ACLU won a lawsuit against Chertoff last August.Immigration lawyer Frances Valdez said the settlement resulted in dramatic improvements at the facility. Pregnant women detained at Hutto are now receiving prenatal care and better food. Children are allowed more time outside and families can wear normal clothes instead of prison uniforms which everyone, including infants, was forced to wear. Though the lawyers had hoped to shut down the facility completely, Valdez said the settlement to improve the situation was as far as they could legally take the case.Valdez stressed the need for continued activism. “I really think the best way to change it is your political activism. With enough political pressure, you can shut it down.”During the March 4 primaries in Texas, dozens of Democratic Party precinct caucuses in five counties passed resolutions to shut down Hutto. These resolutions will proceed to senatorial district conventions on March 29 and then to the state convention on June 5.
The detention of immigrants is the fastest-growing form of incarceration in this country. It has become a profitable business since 9/11. At the end of 2006 there were 14,000 people locked up for violating immigration law. This was up by 79 percent from 2005, the year that Chertoff announced the U.S. would no longer allow undocumented immigrants to remain free in the country while awaiting a court appearance.While private prisons began in earnest in the 1980s, by 2000 they weren’t faring well as escapes, prisoner rebellions and mismanagement sent their stock values plummeting. But after 9/11, when the government began detaining more immigrants, they made their prison beds available and business was again profitable.
In 2005, the year CCA was awarded the contract for Hutto, the company paid close to $3.4 million to five different lobbying firms. CCA now charges the federal government $34 million a year to run the Hutto facility.
Williamson County, where Hutto is located, is the intermediary in the agreement between the federal government and CCA. The county receives a dollar a day for each detainee at Hutto, which can add up to as much as $180,000 per year.
One of the founders of CCA was Terrell Don Hutto, once the director of the Arkansas state prison system. He became the defendant in Hutto v. Finney, a famous case that went before the U.S. Supreme Court in 1978 and was one of the first successful lawsuits by prisoners against a prison system. The court ruled that Arkansas prisons, where inmates were held in solitary confinement for indefinite periods of time, used cruel and unusual punishment.
The land on which Hutto was built was originally cooperatively owned by Mexican workers. Since they had been denied a place in town to park their trucks during cotton season, the workers pooled their wages to purchase the land. It later became a place to congregate and have fiestas and eventually became known as Hidalgo Park.
During the 1980s the workers were unable to pay the property taxes, so they donated the land to the Catholic parish church with the understanding it would be parish property. However, the church later sold the land. Ironically, the CCA prison now sits on land once owned by immigrants.
Issued notice to the Uttar Pradesh chief secretary over the plight of women inmates and babies in state prisons
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has issued a notice to the Uttar Pradesh chief secretary over the plight of women inmates and babies in state prisons.
Taking cognisance of the number of women languishing in the Uttar Pradesh jails, the NHRC has asked the state chief secretary to submit a report within four weeks.
Concerned over the issue, Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly Speaker Sukhdev Rajbharhad had convened an all-party meeting in February to find solution to the problem.The leaders noted that thousands of `innocent' women accused of committing atrocities related to dowry were behind bars under Section 498-A IPC. Many women inmates were wrongly confined in the jails, they observed.It was brought to the notice of the house that several women inmates were disabled and sick, and others were nursing small children. Instances of young girls being sent to jails were also highlighted.
Taking cognisance of the number of women languishing in the Uttar Pradesh jails, the NHRC has asked the state chief secretary to submit a report within four weeks.
Concerned over the issue, Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly Speaker Sukhdev Rajbharhad had convened an all-party meeting in February to find solution to the problem.The leaders noted that thousands of `innocent' women accused of committing atrocities related to dowry were behind bars under Section 498-A IPC. Many women inmates were wrongly confined in the jails, they observed.It was brought to the notice of the house that several women inmates were disabled and sick, and others were nursing small children. Instances of young girls being sent to jails were also highlighted.
Brenda Martin recently put on a suicide watch because of her deepening despair at her plight.
Brenda Martin has been in prison since February 2006 in connection with a Mexican crackdown on a huge online investment scheme run by her former boss. The Canadian woman imprisoned in Mexico and caught in a legal nightmare, got a visit yesterday from former prime minister Paul Martin, who has decided to use his international statesman's status to try to win her release. And now Brenda Martin, her family and supporters are asking anew why the current Conservative government hasn't gone to the same lengths as Paul Martin and other Liberals who have thrown themselves into this cause. The outcry has been growing daily about whether Prime Minister Stephen Harper's government has done enough to help the Canadian citizen, who was recently put on a suicide watch because of her deepening despair at her plight.
"She said he (Paul Martin) was the nicest man. He was so kind to her. He hugged her," said Debra Tieleman, the friend who has been almost single-handedly waging the campaign to get the Trenton woman out of the Mexican prison, where she's been for more than two years without any charges formally laid.
Tieleman spoke to her friend after the former prime minister had left her yesterday afternoon. He told the distraught prisoner that he was making no promises, but he also assured her he would keep pressing her case wherever he could. He has raised the matter with Mexico's vice-minister of foreign affairs and other Mexican government officials.
"To Brenda, because nobody from our government has ever gone to see her, outside the embassy, she's always felt very forgotten by the Canadian government," Tieleman said.
"To have the former prime minister come down to see her ... I think was really something for her. She really was crying."
Foreign Affairs Minister Maxime Bernier sent a diplomatic note to Mexico this week, lamenting how slowly the case was moving through the Mexican system.
For Brenda Martin and her advocates, though, that note is not strong enough – they wanted a formal, diplomatic note of protest and want Canada to consider issuing a travel advisory about Mexico because of repeated stories of dubious legal dealings down there. Northumberland-Quinte West Conservative MP Rick Norlock said he met last night with Harper to discuss Brenda Martin's case.
"The Prime Minister is as concerned as we are," Norlock said. "The diplomatic note has gone to Mexico and the Prime Minister is considering several options though I cannot say what he is going to do."
Brenda Martin's mother, Marjorie Bletcher, wept yesterday when told that Paul Martin was leaving meetings in Mexico City to fly to Guadalajara and visit her daughter.
He was in the country for a conference to promote the so-called L-20 international group he's been trying to found to bring leaders of major countries together – a sort of expansion of the G-8 summits."I can't believe it. He has nothing to gain from helping my daughter," Bletcher said. "I've had more response from the Liberals than I ever had from the Conservatives."
Immediately after seeing Brenda Martin, the former prime minister met with the prison's director, to tell her he was concerned about conditions in the cell and about the prisoner's frail health.
She was a cook in Richard Waage's household, and Waage, serving 10 years in a U.S. federal prison, has signed a sworn statement that exonerates her of any link to the scheme.
Paul Martin was not giving interviews yesterday about his intervention in the case, for fear of appearing as though he was grandstanding. But Tieleman was told the former prime minister was quite affected by the 45-minute meeting, in which the woman cried and told him how much she wanted to go home.
"It would be impossible not to feel deeply for Brenda. She was crying, frail and distraught. He gave her a hug and did what he could to comfort her," said Jim Pimblett, an aide who is travelling with Martin in Mexico this week.
"She said he (Paul Martin) was the nicest man. He was so kind to her. He hugged her," said Debra Tieleman, the friend who has been almost single-handedly waging the campaign to get the Trenton woman out of the Mexican prison, where she's been for more than two years without any charges formally laid.
Tieleman spoke to her friend after the former prime minister had left her yesterday afternoon. He told the distraught prisoner that he was making no promises, but he also assured her he would keep pressing her case wherever he could. He has raised the matter with Mexico's vice-minister of foreign affairs and other Mexican government officials.
"To Brenda, because nobody from our government has ever gone to see her, outside the embassy, she's always felt very forgotten by the Canadian government," Tieleman said.
"To have the former prime minister come down to see her ... I think was really something for her. She really was crying."
Foreign Affairs Minister Maxime Bernier sent a diplomatic note to Mexico this week, lamenting how slowly the case was moving through the Mexican system.
For Brenda Martin and her advocates, though, that note is not strong enough – they wanted a formal, diplomatic note of protest and want Canada to consider issuing a travel advisory about Mexico because of repeated stories of dubious legal dealings down there. Northumberland-Quinte West Conservative MP Rick Norlock said he met last night with Harper to discuss Brenda Martin's case.
"The Prime Minister is as concerned as we are," Norlock said. "The diplomatic note has gone to Mexico and the Prime Minister is considering several options though I cannot say what he is going to do."
Brenda Martin's mother, Marjorie Bletcher, wept yesterday when told that Paul Martin was leaving meetings in Mexico City to fly to Guadalajara and visit her daughter.
He was in the country for a conference to promote the so-called L-20 international group he's been trying to found to bring leaders of major countries together – a sort of expansion of the G-8 summits."I can't believe it. He has nothing to gain from helping my daughter," Bletcher said. "I've had more response from the Liberals than I ever had from the Conservatives."
Immediately after seeing Brenda Martin, the former prime minister met with the prison's director, to tell her he was concerned about conditions in the cell and about the prisoner's frail health.
She was a cook in Richard Waage's household, and Waage, serving 10 years in a U.S. federal prison, has signed a sworn statement that exonerates her of any link to the scheme.
Paul Martin was not giving interviews yesterday about his intervention in the case, for fear of appearing as though he was grandstanding. But Tieleman was told the former prime minister was quite affected by the 45-minute meeting, in which the woman cried and told him how much she wanted to go home.
"It would be impossible not to feel deeply for Brenda. She was crying, frail and distraught. He gave her a hug and did what he could to comfort her," said Jim Pimblett, an aide who is travelling with Martin in Mexico this week.
The Gambia, catalogued tales of "gross human rights violations, Extra-judicial killings,
US State Department Rights Report on The Gambia, catalogued tales of "gross human rights violations, Extra-judicial killings, torture and disappearances of political opponents in the impoverished tiny West African country. The report, which depicts scary human rights crisis, warns that political freedoms in The Gambia has been curtailed since the advent of the Jammeh administration. The State Department report also lambasted the Jammeh Government for its lack of respect for the rule of law and basic freedoms of the citizenry. The State Department also noted the ongoing moves taken by The Gambian Government to block the main IP address of the US based Freedom Newspaper website. The State Department says the Freedom Newspaper was blocked by the Government of The Gambia, during the period in question, with the ultimate goal of denying citizens the right to an independent source of news.
Gambia,Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
The Gambia is a multiparty, democratic republic with a population of 1.5 million. In September 2006 President Alhaji Yahya Jammeh was reelected for a third five-year term in an election considered partially free and fair. President Jammeh's party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC), continued to dominate after the National Assembly elections held on January 25, which were considered partially free and fair. In March 2006 a coup attempt was uncovered, and approximately 50 suspects were detained, one of whom remained in detention without charge awaiting trial at year's end. The trial of a second suspect began on December 5 and was ongoing at year's end. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were some instances where security forces acted independently of government authority.The government's respect for the human rights of its citizens did not improve during the year. Although the constitution and law provide for protection of most human rights, there were problems in many areas. Prison conditions remained poor. Arbitrary arrests and detentions continued. Security forces harassed and mistreated detainees, prisoners, opposition members, and journalists with impunity. Prisoners were held incommunicado, faced prolonged pretrial detention, and were denied due process. The government restricted freedom of speech and press. Women experienced violence and discrimination, and female genital mutilation (FGM) remained a problem. Child labor and trafficking in persons also were problems.
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no confirmed reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. However, on May 9, police volunteer Dodou Janneh stabbed and killed Sheriff Minteh during a police raid in Serrekunda, where officers were searching for youths smoking cannabis. On May 16, Janneh was charged with murder, and the case was ongoing at year's end.
In the case of the March 2006 coup plot, there were no developments in the case of the five detainees earlier held in the case but who the government claimed escaped while being transferred to a minimum security prison in April 2006. The government did not respond to allegations by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and online newspapers that the prisoners had been executed.
On May 19, the NGO Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative called for an African Commission on Human and People's Rights investigation of the 2005 deaths of at least eight migrant workers from Ghana, Nigeria, and Togo found dead in Brufut, near Banjul. In January 2006 government authorities announced the launch of an investigation into the deaths after the Ghanaian government and NGOs claimed that the government ordered state security guards to kill the men. No developments were reported by year's end.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances during the year.
Since the July 2006 disappearance of journalist Ebrima Manneh, the government has denied holding him in custody, and on February 21, the police denied arresting him. On June 20, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) brought a lawsuit concerning Manneh's disappearance against the government at the Economic Community of West African States Community (ECOWAS) Court. On July 26, Manneh was reportedly sighted seeking medical treatment under police supervision at a hospital in Banjul, but his whereabouts remained unknown at year's end. During the year the ECOWAS court hearing repeatedly was postponed due to lack of government representation at the proceedings; a hearing was pending at year's end.
On June 7, the defense lawyer in the case of United Democratic Party (UDP) supporter Kanyiba Kanyi filed a writ of habeas corpus at the high court in Banjul ordering the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and police to release Kanyi. In September 2006 security forces reportedly arrested Kanyi and in October and December 2006 the courts ordered his release. The lawyer maintained that Kanyi was being held by the NIA, but his whereabouts remained unknown at year's endOn October 12, Tamba Fofana was released without charge from police custody after being arrested in September 2006 on accusations of "anti state" activities. Police had denied knowledge of his whereabouts despite a court order in December 2006 to release him.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The constitution and law prohibit such practices; however, there were reports that security forces beat and mistreated persons in custody. Throughout the year, defendants, including those held in connection with the March 2006 coup plot, made credible reports of being tortured while in detention. The torture claims included allegations of electrocution, cigarette burns, plastic bags held over people's heads, knife wounds, cold water treatments, and threats of being shot. The government did not respond to these allegations.The Indemnity Act continued to prevent victims from seeking redress in torture cases related to official actions taken by military personnel during the country's period of military rule from 1994-1996. The army requests that victims file formal complaints with the courts regarding alleged torture that occurred outside the official military rule. However, there were no known prosecutions in civil courts or military courts of security forces members accused of mistreating individuals during the year. On August 16, at the closing ceremony of a civil-military relations seminar, the military chief of staff publicly announced a zero-tolerance policy for military abuse of civilians, and some reports indicated such abuse may have declined.
On November 29, the MFWA filed a lawsuit against the government at the ECOWAS court over the March 2006 illegal detention and torture of journalist Musa Saidykhan, editor in chief of The Independent newspaper. Saidykhan claimed electric shocks were administered to his naked body during his 22-day detention before he was released without charge. No government representative appeared at the ECOWAS hearing, and the government did not respond to the torture allegations by year's end.
There were no developments in the 2005 case in which the Police Intervention Unit--a paramilitary wing of the police--severely beat workers at a hotel construction site for reportedly obstructing a police officer and helping to free a prisoner.
Unlike in the previous year, there were no claims by opposition members that the government trained vigilante groups, known as "green boys", who were suspected of past human rights offenses.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions:Prison conditions generally did not meet international standards, although detention center conditions generally did. The government permitted some visits by independent human rights observers, but they were not allowed to visit detainees and prisoners connected to matters considered politically sensitive.
Local jails were overcrowded, and inmates, including detainees awaiting trial, occasionally slept on the floor. Inmates complained of mistreatment by guards, poor sanitation, and inadequate nutrition, and often relied upon outside sources of food, which was allowed prior to conviction. Prison guards were reluctant to intervene in fights between prisoners, which resulted in injuries.
Although prison officials made attempts to improve prisoners' nutrition and well-being during the year, there were several unconfirmed reports of deaths of prisoners at the Mile 2 prison due to poor diet, health, and living conditions. Prison officials maintained that prisoners had access to round-the-clock medical care.
On July 9, police reported the death in custody of Musa Bah who had been arrested on July 3 on accusations of breaking and entering. A doctor reported that Bah had died of a heart attack. The police denied the Bah family's claim that the body was left in a police station for several days. There were no developments by year's end.
There were unconfirmed reports that women occasionally were held with men.
Pretrial detainees were held together with convicted prisoners.The government permitted restricted independent monitoring of prison conditions by some local and international human rights groups; neither the media nor the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) was granted access to detainees or prisoners during the year.d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention:The constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention; however, there were instances of police and security forces arbitrarily arresting and detaining citizens.
Role of Police and Security Apparatus:The armed forces are responsible for external defense and report to the secretary of state (minister) for defense, a position held by the president. The police, under the secretary of state for the interior, are responsible for public security. The NIA is responsible for protecting state security, collecting intelligence, and conducting covert investigations, and reports directly to the president. The NIA is not authorized to investigate police abuses, but during the year the NIA often assumed police functions such as detaining and questioning criminal suspects. Security forces generally were corrupt and ineffective. On occasion security forces acted with impunity and defied court orders.
Gambia,Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
The Gambia is a multiparty, democratic republic with a population of 1.5 million. In September 2006 President Alhaji Yahya Jammeh was reelected for a third five-year term in an election considered partially free and fair. President Jammeh's party, the Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC), continued to dominate after the National Assembly elections held on January 25, which were considered partially free and fair. In March 2006 a coup attempt was uncovered, and approximately 50 suspects were detained, one of whom remained in detention without charge awaiting trial at year's end. The trial of a second suspect began on December 5 and was ongoing at year's end. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were some instances where security forces acted independently of government authority.The government's respect for the human rights of its citizens did not improve during the year. Although the constitution and law provide for protection of most human rights, there were problems in many areas. Prison conditions remained poor. Arbitrary arrests and detentions continued. Security forces harassed and mistreated detainees, prisoners, opposition members, and journalists with impunity. Prisoners were held incommunicado, faced prolonged pretrial detention, and were denied due process. The government restricted freedom of speech and press. Women experienced violence and discrimination, and female genital mutilation (FGM) remained a problem. Child labor and trafficking in persons also were problems.
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no confirmed reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. However, on May 9, police volunteer Dodou Janneh stabbed and killed Sheriff Minteh during a police raid in Serrekunda, where officers were searching for youths smoking cannabis. On May 16, Janneh was charged with murder, and the case was ongoing at year's end.
In the case of the March 2006 coup plot, there were no developments in the case of the five detainees earlier held in the case but who the government claimed escaped while being transferred to a minimum security prison in April 2006. The government did not respond to allegations by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and online newspapers that the prisoners had been executed.
On May 19, the NGO Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative called for an African Commission on Human and People's Rights investigation of the 2005 deaths of at least eight migrant workers from Ghana, Nigeria, and Togo found dead in Brufut, near Banjul. In January 2006 government authorities announced the launch of an investigation into the deaths after the Ghanaian government and NGOs claimed that the government ordered state security guards to kill the men. No developments were reported by year's end.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances during the year.
Since the July 2006 disappearance of journalist Ebrima Manneh, the government has denied holding him in custody, and on February 21, the police denied arresting him. On June 20, the Media Foundation for West Africa (MFWA) brought a lawsuit concerning Manneh's disappearance against the government at the Economic Community of West African States Community (ECOWAS) Court. On July 26, Manneh was reportedly sighted seeking medical treatment under police supervision at a hospital in Banjul, but his whereabouts remained unknown at year's end. During the year the ECOWAS court hearing repeatedly was postponed due to lack of government representation at the proceedings; a hearing was pending at year's end.
On June 7, the defense lawyer in the case of United Democratic Party (UDP) supporter Kanyiba Kanyi filed a writ of habeas corpus at the high court in Banjul ordering the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and police to release Kanyi. In September 2006 security forces reportedly arrested Kanyi and in October and December 2006 the courts ordered his release. The lawyer maintained that Kanyi was being held by the NIA, but his whereabouts remained unknown at year's endOn October 12, Tamba Fofana was released without charge from police custody after being arrested in September 2006 on accusations of "anti state" activities. Police had denied knowledge of his whereabouts despite a court order in December 2006 to release him.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The constitution and law prohibit such practices; however, there were reports that security forces beat and mistreated persons in custody. Throughout the year, defendants, including those held in connection with the March 2006 coup plot, made credible reports of being tortured while in detention. The torture claims included allegations of electrocution, cigarette burns, plastic bags held over people's heads, knife wounds, cold water treatments, and threats of being shot. The government did not respond to these allegations.The Indemnity Act continued to prevent victims from seeking redress in torture cases related to official actions taken by military personnel during the country's period of military rule from 1994-1996. The army requests that victims file formal complaints with the courts regarding alleged torture that occurred outside the official military rule. However, there were no known prosecutions in civil courts or military courts of security forces members accused of mistreating individuals during the year. On August 16, at the closing ceremony of a civil-military relations seminar, the military chief of staff publicly announced a zero-tolerance policy for military abuse of civilians, and some reports indicated such abuse may have declined.
On November 29, the MFWA filed a lawsuit against the government at the ECOWAS court over the March 2006 illegal detention and torture of journalist Musa Saidykhan, editor in chief of The Independent newspaper. Saidykhan claimed electric shocks were administered to his naked body during his 22-day detention before he was released without charge. No government representative appeared at the ECOWAS hearing, and the government did not respond to the torture allegations by year's end.
There were no developments in the 2005 case in which the Police Intervention Unit--a paramilitary wing of the police--severely beat workers at a hotel construction site for reportedly obstructing a police officer and helping to free a prisoner.
Unlike in the previous year, there were no claims by opposition members that the government trained vigilante groups, known as "green boys", who were suspected of past human rights offenses.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions:Prison conditions generally did not meet international standards, although detention center conditions generally did. The government permitted some visits by independent human rights observers, but they were not allowed to visit detainees and prisoners connected to matters considered politically sensitive.
Local jails were overcrowded, and inmates, including detainees awaiting trial, occasionally slept on the floor. Inmates complained of mistreatment by guards, poor sanitation, and inadequate nutrition, and often relied upon outside sources of food, which was allowed prior to conviction. Prison guards were reluctant to intervene in fights between prisoners, which resulted in injuries.
Although prison officials made attempts to improve prisoners' nutrition and well-being during the year, there were several unconfirmed reports of deaths of prisoners at the Mile 2 prison due to poor diet, health, and living conditions. Prison officials maintained that prisoners had access to round-the-clock medical care.
On July 9, police reported the death in custody of Musa Bah who had been arrested on July 3 on accusations of breaking and entering. A doctor reported that Bah had died of a heart attack. The police denied the Bah family's claim that the body was left in a police station for several days. There were no developments by year's end.
There were unconfirmed reports that women occasionally were held with men.
Pretrial detainees were held together with convicted prisoners.The government permitted restricted independent monitoring of prison conditions by some local and international human rights groups; neither the media nor the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) was granted access to detainees or prisoners during the year.d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention:The constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention; however, there were instances of police and security forces arbitrarily arresting and detaining citizens.
Role of Police and Security Apparatus:The armed forces are responsible for external defense and report to the secretary of state (minister) for defense, a position held by the president. The police, under the secretary of state for the interior, are responsible for public security. The NIA is responsible for protecting state security, collecting intelligence, and conducting covert investigations, and reports directly to the president. The NIA is not authorized to investigate police abuses, but during the year the NIA often assumed police functions such as detaining and questioning criminal suspects. Security forces generally were corrupt and ineffective. On occasion security forces acted with impunity and defied court orders.
Safe haven :European arrest warrants, introduced in 2004, have reduced the time it takes for criminals to be extradited
organised criminals are using low-cost air fares and relaxed border controls in Europe to evade justice, the head of Merseyside police has said.
Chief Constable Bernard Hogan Howe called for greater powers to extradite suspects for questioning. At present, European arrest warrants can only be used once police have enough evidence to charge a suspect. It was unacceptable that someone could just travel to another European country and be "safe", he told the BBC.
European arrest warrants, introduced in 2004, have reduced the time it takes for criminals to be extradited - but they can only be used once the police have enough evidence for the suspect to be charged. Mr Hogan Howe said he was concerned that a significant amount of crime was being committed by "second division" criminals who were benefiting from low-cost travel and relaxed border controls in Europe. Mr Hogan Howe was speaking at a conference on organised crime "Quite often now criminals are not that organised - but they can spend a small amount on a low-cost airline and they are away and out of our grasp, and they may be arranging drug supplies. "We need to be able to be as flexible as they are," he said.
Speaking recently at a conference on organised crime, the chief constable said he wanted "extradition warrants for interview" - the power to interview a suspect abroad by going to court for a warrant. It would also allow suspects to rule themselves out of an inquiry, he said. He added that covert officers should have greater ability to conduct surveillance and pursue suspects across borders. "Too many people are getting away with too much crime", said Mr Hogan Howe. But speaking on BBC Radio Four's Today programme, the Liberal Democrat spokesman on European justice, Baroness Sarah Ludford MEP, said Mr Hogan Howe's proposals risked being a "step too far". She said more safeguards would be needed to protect civil liberties and human rights, adding that police should be using existing methods of legal assistance and co-operation across borders between police forces.
She said extending the European arrest warrant too far could "risk becoming a lazy option" for police forces. In January, police named 10 suspected British criminals thought to be living in Spain. A joint operation between Crimestoppers, the Serious Organised Crime Agency (SOCA) and Spanish police, known as Operation Captura, has already resulted in the capture of eight criminals since October 2006.
Chief Constable Bernard Hogan Howe called for greater powers to extradite suspects for questioning. At present, European arrest warrants can only be used once police have enough evidence to charge a suspect. It was unacceptable that someone could just travel to another European country and be "safe", he told the BBC.
European arrest warrants, introduced in 2004, have reduced the time it takes for criminals to be extradited - but they can only be used once the police have enough evidence for the suspect to be charged. Mr Hogan Howe said he was concerned that a significant amount of crime was being committed by "second division" criminals who were benefiting from low-cost travel and relaxed border controls in Europe. Mr Hogan Howe was speaking at a conference on organised crime "Quite often now criminals are not that organised - but they can spend a small amount on a low-cost airline and they are away and out of our grasp, and they may be arranging drug supplies. "We need to be able to be as flexible as they are," he said.
Speaking recently at a conference on organised crime, the chief constable said he wanted "extradition warrants for interview" - the power to interview a suspect abroad by going to court for a warrant. It would also allow suspects to rule themselves out of an inquiry, he said. He added that covert officers should have greater ability to conduct surveillance and pursue suspects across borders. "Too many people are getting away with too much crime", said Mr Hogan Howe. But speaking on BBC Radio Four's Today programme, the Liberal Democrat spokesman on European justice, Baroness Sarah Ludford MEP, said Mr Hogan Howe's proposals risked being a "step too far". She said more safeguards would be needed to protect civil liberties and human rights, adding that police should be using existing methods of legal assistance and co-operation across borders between police forces.
She said extending the European arrest warrant too far could "risk becoming a lazy option" for police forces. In January, police named 10 suspected British criminals thought to be living in Spain. A joint operation between Crimestoppers, the Serious Organised Crime Agency (SOCA) and Spanish police, known as Operation Captura, has already resulted in the capture of eight criminals since October 2006.
Rebecca Thomas,Delisha Georges,Narzel GeorgesThomas was jailed for 10 years, Delisha Georges for four years childcare worker Narzel Georges for five.
Rebecca Thomas, 25, Delisha Georges, 20, and her sister Narzel Georges, 23, all from Grangetown, Cardiff, were caught trying to import £300,000 worth of cocaine into the UK from Africa.Croydon Crown Court heard they were stopped at Gatwick Airport on September 7, after flying back from 10 days in Sierra Leone.
The class A drugs were found in their suitcases after they were stopped by customs officers in the nothing-to-declare channel.Officials thought the cases were unusually heavy and tests revealed hints of cocaine.Alexander Mills, prosecuting, said the drugs weighed six kilos and were 100 per cent pure, wrapped in packages and hidden in fake compartments.He said: “There was almost exactly the same amount of the drug in each case. Pinned to the back of Thomas’ passport were the travel ticket stubs for all three women.“When interviewed, Thomas said she and the sisters had been asked by a man named Rowlands to collect diamonds in Sierra Leone and they would get £3,000.“They were taken to a hotel where they stayed for 10 days. A man called Alpha brought them three new suitcases and they left their own in the hotel.”
The judge, Recorder Richard Merz, told the women: “Your situations are tragic for you and your families, but if the drugs had found their way on to the market, there would also have been tragic consequences for the consumers.”Thomas was jailed for 10 years, Delisha Georges for four years and childcare worker Narzel Georges for five.
Harry Shapiro, spokesman for drug information charity DrugScope, said today: “Individuals who get involved in drug trafficking can pay a significant personal price, as has been demonstrated by a number of high profile cases recently.
“It’s unfortunate the people who frequently end up worst off are those at the bottom of the ‘food chain’ rather than the traffickers themselves.“You should always be vigilant when travelling abroad and never agree to bring home a package or a bag for someone else.”An HM Revenue and Customs spokeswoman said: “HMRC operates multi-functional investigation and detection teams using the latest technology, intelligence and skilled officers to detect Class A drugs at our UK airports.
“The subsequent conviction of couriers demonstrates that we play a key role in protecting communities in the UK.”
The class A drugs were found in their suitcases after they were stopped by customs officers in the nothing-to-declare channel.Officials thought the cases were unusually heavy and tests revealed hints of cocaine.Alexander Mills, prosecuting, said the drugs weighed six kilos and were 100 per cent pure, wrapped in packages and hidden in fake compartments.He said: “There was almost exactly the same amount of the drug in each case. Pinned to the back of Thomas’ passport were the travel ticket stubs for all three women.“When interviewed, Thomas said she and the sisters had been asked by a man named Rowlands to collect diamonds in Sierra Leone and they would get £3,000.“They were taken to a hotel where they stayed for 10 days. A man called Alpha brought them three new suitcases and they left their own in the hotel.”
The judge, Recorder Richard Merz, told the women: “Your situations are tragic for you and your families, but if the drugs had found their way on to the market, there would also have been tragic consequences for the consumers.”Thomas was jailed for 10 years, Delisha Georges for four years and childcare worker Narzel Georges for five.
Harry Shapiro, spokesman for drug information charity DrugScope, said today: “Individuals who get involved in drug trafficking can pay a significant personal price, as has been demonstrated by a number of high profile cases recently.
“It’s unfortunate the people who frequently end up worst off are those at the bottom of the ‘food chain’ rather than the traffickers themselves.“You should always be vigilant when travelling abroad and never agree to bring home a package or a bag for someone else.”An HM Revenue and Customs spokeswoman said: “HMRC operates multi-functional investigation and detection teams using the latest technology, intelligence and skilled officers to detect Class A drugs at our UK airports.
“The subsequent conviction of couriers demonstrates that we play a key role in protecting communities in the UK.”
Saturday, 1 March 2008
Young black men are said to be vanishing from the streets in America
In some cities, young black men are said to be vanishing from the streets because of a combination of jail and recruitment by the armed forces. According to the Pew report, one in nine black men aged between 20 and 34 is in prison.
Urahn said jailing so many people was not worth the price: “Being seen as tough on crime is an easy stance when you have the money, especially during the 1980s and 1990s, when we built a lot of prisons. But now it’s not only blowing a hole in budgets, it’s not showing a return on the money we spend - in some states, more than on education.” Nearly half of federal prisoners are serving time for nonviolent, drug-related offences, a number that increased as sentences grew longer in the 1990s. The introduction of the “three-strikes” rule, where criminals are jailed for life after a third offence, has also swollen prison numbers in states such as California.
Some criminologists say prison works particularly well for career criminals by simply keeping them off the streets. Paul Cassell, a law professor at the University of Utah, said the Pew report had looked only at the costs and ignored the “very tangible benefits” from lower crime rates across the country.
“It’s terrible we have to incarcerate so many so the rest of us can live safely,” he said. “But that’s the price of living in the most free society in the world.”
Between 1993 and 2006, Florida sent 75% more people to prison and its violent crime rate fell by 41%. Yet in the same period, New York’s prison population fell by 2% and its violent crime rate dropped by 59%. Experts say that was because New York recruited more police to guard poorer areas and treated more nonviolent drug users as addicts rather than criminals. Even in cities with acute drug problems, such as Baltimore, local leaders have been seeking ways to cut its budget-busting prison population. “It is to our shame that we have the highest incarceration rate in the world, including despotic countries like Cuba,” said Curtis Anderson, chairman of Baltimore city council. “But inertia is keeping people in jail when they should be in treatment. I hope this report helps.” The report has been condemned as “inaccurate and naive” by members of the prison officers’ union, which has grown into one of the most powerful unions in the US over the past 30 years. In some rural areas, the local prison is the only employer.
The union cited statistics from the Department of Justice, which show prisoners as a proportion of the total population rather than just adults. “The real figure of the incarcerated is one in 130 people,” it said.
Urahn said jailing so many people was not worth the price: “Being seen as tough on crime is an easy stance when you have the money, especially during the 1980s and 1990s, when we built a lot of prisons. But now it’s not only blowing a hole in budgets, it’s not showing a return on the money we spend - in some states, more than on education.” Nearly half of federal prisoners are serving time for nonviolent, drug-related offences, a number that increased as sentences grew longer in the 1990s. The introduction of the “three-strikes” rule, where criminals are jailed for life after a third offence, has also swollen prison numbers in states such as California.
Some criminologists say prison works particularly well for career criminals by simply keeping them off the streets. Paul Cassell, a law professor at the University of Utah, said the Pew report had looked only at the costs and ignored the “very tangible benefits” from lower crime rates across the country.
“It’s terrible we have to incarcerate so many so the rest of us can live safely,” he said. “But that’s the price of living in the most free society in the world.”
Between 1993 and 2006, Florida sent 75% more people to prison and its violent crime rate fell by 41%. Yet in the same period, New York’s prison population fell by 2% and its violent crime rate dropped by 59%. Experts say that was because New York recruited more police to guard poorer areas and treated more nonviolent drug users as addicts rather than criminals. Even in cities with acute drug problems, such as Baltimore, local leaders have been seeking ways to cut its budget-busting prison population. “It is to our shame that we have the highest incarceration rate in the world, including despotic countries like Cuba,” said Curtis Anderson, chairman of Baltimore city council. “But inertia is keeping people in jail when they should be in treatment. I hope this report helps.” The report has been condemned as “inaccurate and naive” by members of the prison officers’ union, which has grown into one of the most powerful unions in the US over the past 30 years. In some rural areas, the local prison is the only employer.
The union cited statistics from the Department of Justice, which show prisoners as a proportion of the total population rather than just adults. “The real figure of the incarcerated is one in 130 people,” it said.
Kashmir Singh walks away from death row after 35 years
Official records put the number of Indian prisoners in Pakistan, mainly from Punjab, Rajasthan and Gujarat, at 534. It's no different for Pakistani inmates in Indian prisons either. There are no less than 450 such men here, many of whom, like their counterparts in Pakistan, have lost their mental balance.One of the first things Kashmir Singh said when told that Pakistan government may grant him amnesty and he would walk away from death row after 35 years, was: "I'll get my suit ready to meet my wife." He should be ironing his new clothes, now that president Musharraf has given his assent and Kashmir, who spent all of his youth and more in solitary confinement in various Pakistani jails, will be free on Monday.
Not every Indian prisoner consigned to a life of hell in Pakistani jails is as fortunate, though. Hundreds still languish with no hope of ever seeing their homeland again. Human rights activists say this happens because of the unending time they spend in solitary confinement. What's worse is that security forces have detained a majority of these people after they crossed borders inadvertently. Some didn't have proper documents or had overstayed. A few were arrested on espionage charges and sentenced to death only because they had strayed across the dividing line. It's no surprise that human rights activists of both countries say they are convinced the actual number of such prisoners in India as well as Paksitan is much more than what is officially claimed. Human rights lawyer Ranjan Lakhanpal, who has been active in repatriating prisoners of both the countries and has dealt with 250 such cases, including Kashmir Singh's, says: "Both the governments have always hidden and never revealed the true number of prisoners for reasons best known to them. Even after prisoners are identified, releasing them from jails is not an easy task." Though 2,657 Indian prisoners have been released from Pakistan jails since 2003 and 827 Pakistani nationals from Indian side, a recently filed petition in Supreme Court by the kin of a prisoner in Lahore said there are around 200 inmates languishing there even after completion of their sentence. Add to this 54 POWs believed to be in various Pakistan jails, a case which hasn't seen any concrete movement despite Musharraf's repeated assurances that he will look into it, only makes the scenario bleaker.
Lakhanpal said: "I have been trying to free prisoners from both sides of the border and one thing I have noticed is that (both) governments don't pay the required attention. In fact, at times they seem to be least bothered about the sufferings of these people and their agonized families."
Not every Indian prisoner consigned to a life of hell in Pakistani jails is as fortunate, though. Hundreds still languish with no hope of ever seeing their homeland again. Human rights activists say this happens because of the unending time they spend in solitary confinement. What's worse is that security forces have detained a majority of these people after they crossed borders inadvertently. Some didn't have proper documents or had overstayed. A few were arrested on espionage charges and sentenced to death only because they had strayed across the dividing line. It's no surprise that human rights activists of both countries say they are convinced the actual number of such prisoners in India as well as Paksitan is much more than what is officially claimed. Human rights lawyer Ranjan Lakhanpal, who has been active in repatriating prisoners of both the countries and has dealt with 250 such cases, including Kashmir Singh's, says: "Both the governments have always hidden and never revealed the true number of prisoners for reasons best known to them. Even after prisoners are identified, releasing them from jails is not an easy task." Though 2,657 Indian prisoners have been released from Pakistan jails since 2003 and 827 Pakistani nationals from Indian side, a recently filed petition in Supreme Court by the kin of a prisoner in Lahore said there are around 200 inmates languishing there even after completion of their sentence. Add to this 54 POWs believed to be in various Pakistan jails, a case which hasn't seen any concrete movement despite Musharraf's repeated assurances that he will look into it, only makes the scenario bleaker.
Lakhanpal said: "I have been trying to free prisoners from both sides of the border and one thing I have noticed is that (both) governments don't pay the required attention. In fact, at times they seem to be least bothered about the sufferings of these people and their agonized families."
Monday, 25 February 2008
Nigeria's criminal justice system"conveyor belt of injustice, from beginning to end".
Nigeria's criminal justice system is "utterly failing" the people and keeps some imprisoned without trial up to a decade.It called the system a "conveyor belt of injustice, from beginning to end".According to the report, at least 65 per cent of inmates in Nigeria's prisons have never been convicted of any crime, with some awaiting trial for as long as 10 years and most too poor to afford a lawyer.The 91 lawyers who do provide free legal aid working in the west African giant are completely inadequate for a country with a population of 140 million, Amnesty said.
The report also said that "appalling" prison conditions are seriously damaging the mental and physical health of thousands of inmates.The report is Amnesty's second slamming conditions in Nigerian prisons in the space of six months.
The group also condemned the way that police torture is also routine and widespread, with 'confessions' extracted by torture often used as evidence in trials.
"The problems in Nigeria's criminal justice system -- especially its prisons -- are so blatant and egregious that the Nigerian government has had no choice but to recognize them -- and has pledged many times that it will reform the system," said Aster van Kregten, Amnesty's researcher on Nigeria.But van Kregten, speaking at a press conference in Abuja, said the promises have remained empty and that those in prison stand little chance of having their rights respected, those without money even less chance."Some could end up spending the rest of their lives behind bars in appalling conditions without ever having been convicted of a crime -- sometimes simply due to their case files having been lost by the police," she said. The report also cited cases of people not suspected of committing any crime being imprisoned with convicted criminals, sometimes because they were arrested in place of a family member the police could not locate.Amnesty also highlighted the plight of mentally ill people dumped in prison by families unable or unwilling to take care of them. Most have no lawyer to advocate on their behalf. It cited the case of a mentally ill woman of 35 brought to prison by her brother, who said the family could no longer cope with her. "Accused of no crime and never brought before a judge, Bassy spent almost three years in prison, sleeping on the floor in a cell with 11 women," Amnesty said.
The report also highlighted the plight of prison staff, who work long and stressful hours for low wages that are often paid late.
"Poor pay often leads to petty extortion of prisoners, and staff shortages create security risks for both staff and inmates," the report said.
It added that inmates are often relied on to govern themselves and often mete out disciplinary measures, including corporal punishment, close confinement and diet restrictions, none of which comply with international standards.
The report also said that "appalling" prison conditions are seriously damaging the mental and physical health of thousands of inmates.The report is Amnesty's second slamming conditions in Nigerian prisons in the space of six months.
The group also condemned the way that police torture is also routine and widespread, with 'confessions' extracted by torture often used as evidence in trials.
"The problems in Nigeria's criminal justice system -- especially its prisons -- are so blatant and egregious that the Nigerian government has had no choice but to recognize them -- and has pledged many times that it will reform the system," said Aster van Kregten, Amnesty's researcher on Nigeria.But van Kregten, speaking at a press conference in Abuja, said the promises have remained empty and that those in prison stand little chance of having their rights respected, those without money even less chance."Some could end up spending the rest of their lives behind bars in appalling conditions without ever having been convicted of a crime -- sometimes simply due to their case files having been lost by the police," she said. The report also cited cases of people not suspected of committing any crime being imprisoned with convicted criminals, sometimes because they were arrested in place of a family member the police could not locate.Amnesty also highlighted the plight of mentally ill people dumped in prison by families unable or unwilling to take care of them. Most have no lawyer to advocate on their behalf. It cited the case of a mentally ill woman of 35 brought to prison by her brother, who said the family could no longer cope with her. "Accused of no crime and never brought before a judge, Bassy spent almost three years in prison, sleeping on the floor in a cell with 11 women," Amnesty said.
The report also highlighted the plight of prison staff, who work long and stressful hours for low wages that are often paid late.
"Poor pay often leads to petty extortion of prisoners, and staff shortages create security risks for both staff and inmates," the report said.
It added that inmates are often relied on to govern themselves and often mete out disciplinary measures, including corporal punishment, close confinement and diet restrictions, none of which comply with international standards.
United States Prisons rape and sexual abuse of prisoners by other prisoners and staff plague prisons nationwide,
New statistics compiled by a US Justice Department agency reveal that the rape and sexual abuse of prisoners by other prisoners and staff plague prisons nationwide, Human Rights Watch said today.When nearly one in 20 prisoners reports being raped or sexually abused behind bars, it is clear that prison authorities are not doing enough to prevent these serious crimes. Jamie Fellner, senior counsel for the US Program at Human Rights Watch According to the report, by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), “Sexual Victimization in State and Federal Prisons Reported by Inmates, 2007,” 4.5 percent of the state and federal prisoners surveyed reported sexual victimization in the past 12 months. Given a national prison population of 1,570,861, the BJS findings suggest that in one year alone more than 70,000 prisoners were sexually abused. “When nearly one in 20 prisoners reports being raped or sexually abused behind bars, it is clear that prison authorities are not doing enough to prevent these serious crimes,” said Jamie Fellner, senior counsel of the US Program at Human Rights Watch. “Prison rape is not inevitable, but it is all too predictable when prison authorities fail to enforce a zero-tolerance policy on sexual abuse,” noted Fellner, who also serves as a commissioner on the National Prison Rape Elimination Commission, created by Congress in 2003 as part of the National Prison Rape Elimination Act. Some 2.1 percent of the inmates surveyed by the BJS reported sexual abuse involving another inmate. In its 2001 landmark report, “No Escape: Male Rape in US Prisons,” Human Rights Watch documented vicious and brutally violent male rapes in prison as well as other more common, less overtly violent forms of coerced sex. Certain prisoners are more vulnerable to rape and are targeted for sexual exploitation – especially prisoners who are young, physically small or weak, gay, first offenders, or have been convicted of a sexual offense against a minor. Human Rights Watch’s research revealed that sexual abuse by other inmates often occurred because staff failed to adequately supervise inmates or respond appropriately to complaints of unwanted sexual activity. In some prisons, staff tacitly as well as explicitly condoned inmate-on-inmate abuse.
According to the BJS, five of the 10 prison facilities with the highest reported rates of inmate-on-inmate victimization are in Texas, with reported prevalence ranging from 3.3 to 8.8 percent. Texas has a crowded state prison system with a long and notorious history of prison violence, marked by staff indifference to and complicity with abuse, as documented in “No Escape.”
“Texas officials insist they have put effective anti-rape strategies in place, but the Justice Department figures show that they still have a long way to go,” Fellner said. “Prison authorities in Texas must ensure that sexual abuse is not part of an inmate’s sentence.” Nationwide, a higher percentage of inmates, 2.9 percent, reported staff sexual misconduct than inmate-on-inmate abuse. A prison in Nebraska had the highest reported rate of staff-on-inmate sexual abuse, 12.2 percent. The BJS survey asked inmates to indicate whether their sexual activity with staff was “willing” or “unwilling.” In the prison context, however, this distinction is meaningless. As Human Rights Watch documented in its 1996 report, “All Too Familiar: Sexual Abuse of Women in State Prisons,” all sexual interaction between staff and inmates is inherently coercive because of the inherent disparity in power between staff and inmates, and thus can never be considered “voluntary” on the part of the inmates. Human Rights Watch urges the BJS to eliminate reference to inmate willingness with regard to staff sexual misconduct in future reports.
“We welcome the careful efforts by BJS to statistically capture sexual abuse in prisons,” said Fellner. “We look forward to their efforts to document sexual victimization in other facilities, including jails and youth detention centers.”
According to the BJS, five of the 10 prison facilities with the highest reported rates of inmate-on-inmate victimization are in Texas, with reported prevalence ranging from 3.3 to 8.8 percent. Texas has a crowded state prison system with a long and notorious history of prison violence, marked by staff indifference to and complicity with abuse, as documented in “No Escape.”
“Texas officials insist they have put effective anti-rape strategies in place, but the Justice Department figures show that they still have a long way to go,” Fellner said. “Prison authorities in Texas must ensure that sexual abuse is not part of an inmate’s sentence.” Nationwide, a higher percentage of inmates, 2.9 percent, reported staff sexual misconduct than inmate-on-inmate abuse. A prison in Nebraska had the highest reported rate of staff-on-inmate sexual abuse, 12.2 percent. The BJS survey asked inmates to indicate whether their sexual activity with staff was “willing” or “unwilling.” In the prison context, however, this distinction is meaningless. As Human Rights Watch documented in its 1996 report, “All Too Familiar: Sexual Abuse of Women in State Prisons,” all sexual interaction between staff and inmates is inherently coercive because of the inherent disparity in power between staff and inmates, and thus can never be considered “voluntary” on the part of the inmates. Human Rights Watch urges the BJS to eliminate reference to inmate willingness with regard to staff sexual misconduct in future reports.
“We welcome the careful efforts by BJS to statistically capture sexual abuse in prisons,” said Fellner. “We look forward to their efforts to document sexual victimization in other facilities, including jails and youth detention centers.”
Ebrahim Lotfallahi, Zahra Bani-Ameri died in custody
Ebrahim Lotfallahi, 27, died in the detention center in Sanandaj sometime between January 9 and January 15. Zahra Bani-Ameri, a 27-year-old female physician, died in October while in custody in the town of Hamedan. In both cases, officials claimed the cause of death was suicide.
“The sudden death in detention of two apparently healthy young people is extremely alarming,” said Joe Stork, Middle East deputy director at Human Rights Watch. “The government only heightens our concern by quickly dismissing them as suicides.”
Security forces arrested Lotfallahi on January 6, 2008 as he was leaving the Sanandaj campus of Payam Noor University. Lotfallahi’s family does not know what charges, if any, the authorities had brought against him. Three days after his arrest, Lotfallahi’s family visited him in the Sanandaj detention center. His brother told Human Rights Watch that Lotfallahi was in good spirits and seemed fine at the time of the visit.
On January 15, officials from the detention center contacted Lotfallahi’s parents and informed them that they had buried their son in a local cemetery. The officials claimed that Lotfallahi had committed suicide in his cell.
The family told Human Rights Watch that they plan to ask the authorities to exhume the body for a forensic determination of the cause of death.
The death in custody of Bani-Ameri also occurred under suspicious circumstances. On October 12, 2007, police and security forces arrested Bani-Ameri and her fiancé in a public park in the city of Hamedan on charges of having an “illegal relationship.” According to Iran’s Islamic Penal Code, “immoral” relationships between men and women who are not married may be subject to criminal punishment.
On the following day, prison officials informed Bani-Ameri’s family that she had committed suicide in her cell. In statements at the time to the Iranian press, Bani-Ameri’s brother claimed that she had seemed fine during telephone conversations he had with her, including a call 30 minutes before the time of her reported death.
Iranian Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi is representing the Bani-Ameri family in their lawsuit against the officials responsible for her arrest and detention.
“These two young lives were extinguished in circumstances that make the official explanation implausible and cry out for accountability,” said Stork. “The Iranian authorities must take credible steps to determine what actually happened and hold accountable any officials responsible for these two deaths.” United Nations Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-Legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions provide that there shall be “thorough, prompt and impartial investigation” of all suspected cases of unlawful killing, including where complaints by relatives suggest unnatural death. The principles state that if the “body has been buried and it later appears that an investigation is required, the body shall be promptly and competently exhumed for an autopsy [which] shall be available to those conducting the autopsy for a sufficient amount of time to enable a thorough investigation to be carried out. … In order to ensure objective results, those conducting the autopsy must be able to function impartially and independently of any potentially implicated persons or organizations or entities.” The principles also state that families of the deceased and their legal representatives shall have access to all information relevant to the investigation, and have the right to insist that a medical representative be present at the autopsy.
Previously, Human Rights Watch has documented and raised concern about the abuse and torture of detainees in Iran. Two reports, “You Can Detain Anyone for Anything” and “Like the Dead in Their Coffins” documented the mistreatment of dissidents and perceived critics of the government in detention centers. In August 2006, Human Rights Watch expressed alarm over reports of past torture and suspicious death in custody of student activist Akbar Mohammadi. In December 2006, Human Rights Watch called on Iran’s Judiciary to investigate the arbitrary detention and alleged torture of bloggers arrested in 2004.
“The sudden death in detention of two apparently healthy young people is extremely alarming,” said Joe Stork, Middle East deputy director at Human Rights Watch. “The government only heightens our concern by quickly dismissing them as suicides.”
Security forces arrested Lotfallahi on January 6, 2008 as he was leaving the Sanandaj campus of Payam Noor University. Lotfallahi’s family does not know what charges, if any, the authorities had brought against him. Three days after his arrest, Lotfallahi’s family visited him in the Sanandaj detention center. His brother told Human Rights Watch that Lotfallahi was in good spirits and seemed fine at the time of the visit.
On January 15, officials from the detention center contacted Lotfallahi’s parents and informed them that they had buried their son in a local cemetery. The officials claimed that Lotfallahi had committed suicide in his cell.
The family told Human Rights Watch that they plan to ask the authorities to exhume the body for a forensic determination of the cause of death.
The death in custody of Bani-Ameri also occurred under suspicious circumstances. On October 12, 2007, police and security forces arrested Bani-Ameri and her fiancé in a public park in the city of Hamedan on charges of having an “illegal relationship.” According to Iran’s Islamic Penal Code, “immoral” relationships between men and women who are not married may be subject to criminal punishment.
On the following day, prison officials informed Bani-Ameri’s family that she had committed suicide in her cell. In statements at the time to the Iranian press, Bani-Ameri’s brother claimed that she had seemed fine during telephone conversations he had with her, including a call 30 minutes before the time of her reported death.
Iranian Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi is representing the Bani-Ameri family in their lawsuit against the officials responsible for her arrest and detention.
“These two young lives were extinguished in circumstances that make the official explanation implausible and cry out for accountability,” said Stork. “The Iranian authorities must take credible steps to determine what actually happened and hold accountable any officials responsible for these two deaths.” United Nations Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-Legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions provide that there shall be “thorough, prompt and impartial investigation” of all suspected cases of unlawful killing, including where complaints by relatives suggest unnatural death. The principles state that if the “body has been buried and it later appears that an investigation is required, the body shall be promptly and competently exhumed for an autopsy [which] shall be available to those conducting the autopsy for a sufficient amount of time to enable a thorough investigation to be carried out. … In order to ensure objective results, those conducting the autopsy must be able to function impartially and independently of any potentially implicated persons or organizations or entities.” The principles also state that families of the deceased and their legal representatives shall have access to all information relevant to the investigation, and have the right to insist that a medical representative be present at the autopsy.
Previously, Human Rights Watch has documented and raised concern about the abuse and torture of detainees in Iran. Two reports, “You Can Detain Anyone for Anything” and “Like the Dead in Their Coffins” documented the mistreatment of dissidents and perceived critics of the government in detention centers. In August 2006, Human Rights Watch expressed alarm over reports of past torture and suspicious death in custody of student activist Akbar Mohammadi. In December 2006, Human Rights Watch called on Iran’s Judiciary to investigate the arbitrary detention and alleged torture of bloggers arrested in 2004.
Israel's prison conditions rank last among developed nations
Israel's prison conditions rank last among developed nations, prison service representatives told the Knesset (parliament)'s Constitution, Law and Justice Committee on Monday. It was reported during the committee meeting that some 680 inmates sleep on floors of the prisons due to extreme overcrowdedness. Prison service representatives believe if measures are not taken, 2,600 inmates will go without beds by 2007. Currently, there are some 12,410 inmates in Israel. Upon receiving the report, committee chairman Michael Eitan warned that riots are liable to break out due to inhumane conditions in the prisons.
Libyan prisons numerous testimonies of Libyan and foreign prisoners who alleged they were tortured for confessions or held for years without legal rep

Human rights organisations have long considered Libyan prisons as a source of numerous violations but now the government has moved to counter such criticism.
With help from the judicial police and the UK-based International Centre for Prison Studies (ICPS), Libyan prison staff have been trained in international human rights standards over the past 18 months. And the justice ministry has launched the booklet Human Rights in Prison Management so both staff and inmates are aware of the law.
Justice Minister Omar al-Hesnawi pointed to an amnesty as another sign of recent improvements in handling prisoners. "Some 6,500 were granted amnesty in the past year and we will be repatriating a lot of foreign prisoners, particularly those of African nationality, back to their own countries, to ease overcrowding. This is a humane move that will give them a chance to rehabilitate," he said. 'Unacceptable'
Initial findings by ICPS included poor sanitation and health care services and overcrowding. ICPS project manager Andy Barclay described some conditions as "totally unacceptable." Some of the worst prison conditions were mostly evident in old buildings. Mr Barclay says that some of the newly built establishments could meet international standards. He cited recent examples like the building of a new hospital at the Jedieda prison in Tripoli, which he describes as being "of world-class standard". Some of the biggest changes in the past two years have been the independence of the judicial police from the rest of the police force and its transferral from the ministry of interior to the ministry of justice, which would allow it to run its own prisons. Other notable improvements lie in procedural changes like the transfer of prisoners. Traditional container lorries have apparently been upgraded to buses. Mr Barclay said that new prisons are also less crowded with better facilities but "there's still a long way to go".
The ICPS noted during earlier visits dating back to 2003 that African women were totally isolated in a separate part of the prison. According to Mr Barclay, the situation has changed and all the women, whatever their nationality or race have been integrated into the same space. He describes this as "recognition by Libyan authorities that all nationalities should be treated equally". With reference to concerns raised by human rights groups, Mr Barclay feels the issues at hand are being seriously addressed. "Libya wants to become part of the international community and they recognise that to do so, they have to meet international standards... and they have started to do something about it." The consultants from ICPS also confirmed reports that prisoners had died from tuberculosis, citing a prison in the town of Sebha. "This prison clearly has a problem with TB and the current prison has to be demolished," Mr Barclay said.
"It is recognised by the Libyan authorities that it is unacceptable... they are building a new prison".The under-secretary in the justice ministry, Mohamed al-Mahjoubi, says the experiences have helped with "construction of prisons, how prisoners are kept and how they are treated. "There are many changes that have taken place since the last visit of the British consultants [ICPS]."
Other issues examined during routine exchange visits to London are the rights to legal representation, health care for prisoners and NGO involvement.
These are key areas in which Libya is accused of shortcomings by groups such as Amnesty international. Following its first visit after a 15-year absence, Amnesty released a critical report last year, citing numerous testimonies of Libyan and foreign prisoners who alleged they were tortured for confessions or held for years without legal representation and poor access to healthcare.
In response to these concerns, Mr al-Mahjoubi said the "concerns that were raised were taken seriously and current events are testimonial to that."
Mr al-Arebi said they have no objections to NGO visits. "There is no-one in our prisons without a legal or judicial need for him/her to be there."
Libyan authorities seem eager to improve prison conditions and treatment of inmates to eventually meet international standards.
police have shot and killed more than 8,000 Nigerians since 2000 Nairobi Prison "This is the worst congested prison in the country,"
it’s scandalous that leading police officials seem to regard the routine killing of Nigerian citizens – criminal suspects or not – as a point of pride.”
Nigeria’s government should launch an independent public inquiry in light of official statistics indicating that police have shot and killed more than 8,000 Nigerians since 2000, Human Rights Watch said today. The figures show 785 killed in just three months this year, while the true number of people killed by the police since 2000 may exceed 10,000.
It’s stunning that the police killed half as many ‘armed robbery suspects’ as they managed to arrest during Okiro’s first 90 days. And it’s scandalous that leading police officials seem to regard the routine killing of Nigerian citizens – criminal suspects or not – as a point of pride. On November 14, 2007, Inspector General of Police Mike Okiro announced that 785 suspected “armed robbers” were shot and killed in gunfire exchanges with the police between June and the beginning of September 2007. According to the same set of statistics, 1,628 armed robbers were arrested during the same period. Police personnel also killed one person for every two firearms they managed to recover. “It’s stunning that the police killed half as many ‘armed robbery suspects’ as they managed to arrest during Okiro’s first 90 days,” said Peter Takirambudde, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “And
The figures suggest that police have routinely resorted to disproportionate and illegal use of lethal force and may have committed multiple extrajudicial killings in the course of police operations. Such indications are especially worrying in light of numerous well-documented cases of deaths of detainees in police custody. Almost as disturbing as the numbers themselves is that leading police officials appear to regard these grim statistics as an indication of effective police work rather than as a scandal. Okiro announced the statistics to the House of Representatives’ Police Affairs Committee in a speech chronicling the “achievements” of his first three months in office.
Nigeria’s police force remains mired in deeply entrenched patterns of torture, corruption, murder, and other forms of human rights abuse. Torture remains a routine part of police interrogation and police officers have carried out numerous extrajudicial killings of suspects in their custody. A 2005 report by Human Rights Watch documented systemic patterns of torture and extrajudicial killings in the police force, and in March 2007 the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture found that torture remained “an intrinsic part of how law enforcement services operate” in Nigeria.
Many parts of Nigeria experience extremely high levels of violent crime, owing partly to rising poverty, high unemployment and the proliferation of small arms throughout the country. Dozens of Nigerian police officers die in the line of duty every year. Nigeria’s police generally lack capacity to deal with the challenges they face. Police officers are poorly trained, ill-equipped, and poorly remunerated. Some human rights abuses carried out by the police are partly a response to public pressure to reduce the high levels of violent crime. Nigerian civil society groups and Human Rights Watch’s own investigations have revealed that, lacking the means to carry out effective criminal investigations, some police officers extract confessions through torture, or murder suspects in their custody who police believe to be guilty. Other cases represent a simple abuse of power targeting ordinary civilians.
Police officers routinely label individuals they kill as “armed robbers” who fired on police; according to police statistics, all of the thousands of individuals shot and killed by police officers were “armed robbers.” Credible government investigations into allegations of disproportionate use of force or murder have been extremely rare and the facts on the ground often belie the claims of police officials. In June 2005, the murder of six young people at a police checkpoint in Abuja generated a nationwide scandal that led to an investigation and criminal charges against the officers involved, but that case was an exception to prevailing norms. Reported cases of investigations into police killings have been extremely rare and accountability even less common. In August 2006, police arrested and publicly “paraded” 12 armed robbery suspects in the Abia State town of Umuahia; the 12 were later found among a pile of 16 corpses deposited near a local mortuary. Police officials claimed that all 16 were armed robbers who had somehow been involved in an exchange of gunfire with the police. No investigation was carried out. According to the police’s own statistics, police personnel have shot and killed more than 8,000 people since January 2000 in circumstances that remain largely unexplained. In 2005, police officials told Human Rights Watch that from January 2000 to March 2004 police personnel killed 7,198 “armed robbers” in “combat.” Remarkably, during the first three months of 2004, the police claimed to have killed 422 armed robbers in shootouts, while recovering only 300 firearms.
The figures available to Human Rights Watch do not include any data for police killings during most of 2004, 2005, 2006, or the first half of 2007. If police killings were carried out at even half the average rate during that period, Nigeria’s police have killed in excess of 10,000 people.
Nigeria is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and as such has an obligation to carry out an effective official investigation when individuals have been killed as a result of the use of force by any law enforcement official. International standards also require that, when resort to firearms and use of force is unavoidable, the police exercise restraint and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, so as to respect and preserve human life. Governments are required to ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by police is appropriately punished.
Nigerian president Umaru Yar’Adua came into office in May 2007 after being named the victor in elections, the credibility of which was destroyed by rampant fraud and violence. Nonetheless, President Yar’Adua has pledged to uphold the rule of law and press for key reforms. Yar’Adua named Mike Okiro as Acting Inspector General of Police in June 2007 and has not yet commented on the hundreds of killings the police claim to have since carried out. “Yar’Adua’s pledge to respect the rule of law means little if the concept does not even require the police to account for the hundreds of Nigerians they kill in a routine month’s work,” Takirambudde said. “The federal government should immediately launch a public and comprehensive inquiry into every killing carried out by the police since Okiro came into office as Inspector General.”
Human Rights Watch called upon the federal government to end the rampant impunity that makes police abuses possible and commonplace. In addition to an immediate public investigation of police activity since Okiro came to office, resources must be devoted to improved police training, including training on human rights issues as well as legal and appropriate interrogation techniques.

Until now, little was known about what went on inside prison walls in Kenya. There is no room for the new arrivals For many years, concerns have been raised over the inhuman conditions in Kenyan jails and claims of torture, brutality and congestion have been frequent. the brutality and negligence which have been so present at Nairobi Prison is the hallmark of jails throughout Kenya. Nairobi Prison is a maze of chain-link fences, razor wire and guard towers in the city's busy industrial area.There are 12 inmates here in this cell meant for only three people Prison official David Mwania Inside, the first roll-call, to ensure all inmates are accounted for, is under way. In quick succession, iron doors open to reveal hundreds of half naked bodies, pressed together on the concrete floor of their cells. Their cages are filled with the fetid smell of sweat, dirt and human waste. Evidence that the prison is being choked with inmates, some on short sentences and others waiting to appear in court, is not exactly hard to find.
Here more than 3,000 inmates - 3,800 on today's count - share a prison designed for only 800 prisoners. The daily budget: $0.30 per prisoner. "This is the worst congested prison in the country," says David Mwania, who is in charge of Nairobi Prison, built in 1911. In the capital wing, housing more than 400 inmates facing the capital punishment, dozens of inmates are herded into tiny cells with the capacity for between one and five prisoners. Kenyan prisons are notoriously overcrowded
"There are 12 inmates here in this cell meant for only three people," Mr Mwania says, pointing to an old, stinking cell.
"There are only two mattresses and no blankets." One of the inmates is 30-year-old John Njoroge Njagi, who has been here for four years, facing a charge of robbery with violence, a capital offence. "I haven't put on my clothes because we've been sweating throughout the night," he says. "Four years on, my case is still pending in court and I am still here."
Nigeria’s government should launch an independent public inquiry in light of official statistics indicating that police have shot and killed more than 8,000 Nigerians since 2000, Human Rights Watch said today. The figures show 785 killed in just three months this year, while the true number of people killed by the police since 2000 may exceed 10,000.
It’s stunning that the police killed half as many ‘armed robbery suspects’ as they managed to arrest during Okiro’s first 90 days. And it’s scandalous that leading police officials seem to regard the routine killing of Nigerian citizens – criminal suspects or not – as a point of pride. On November 14, 2007, Inspector General of Police Mike Okiro announced that 785 suspected “armed robbers” were shot and killed in gunfire exchanges with the police between June and the beginning of September 2007. According to the same set of statistics, 1,628 armed robbers were arrested during the same period. Police personnel also killed one person for every two firearms they managed to recover. “It’s stunning that the police killed half as many ‘armed robbery suspects’ as they managed to arrest during Okiro’s first 90 days,” said Peter Takirambudde, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “And
The figures suggest that police have routinely resorted to disproportionate and illegal use of lethal force and may have committed multiple extrajudicial killings in the course of police operations. Such indications are especially worrying in light of numerous well-documented cases of deaths of detainees in police custody. Almost as disturbing as the numbers themselves is that leading police officials appear to regard these grim statistics as an indication of effective police work rather than as a scandal. Okiro announced the statistics to the House of Representatives’ Police Affairs Committee in a speech chronicling the “achievements” of his first three months in office.
Nigeria’s police force remains mired in deeply entrenched patterns of torture, corruption, murder, and other forms of human rights abuse. Torture remains a routine part of police interrogation and police officers have carried out numerous extrajudicial killings of suspects in their custody. A 2005 report by Human Rights Watch documented systemic patterns of torture and extrajudicial killings in the police force, and in March 2007 the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture found that torture remained “an intrinsic part of how law enforcement services operate” in Nigeria.
Many parts of Nigeria experience extremely high levels of violent crime, owing partly to rising poverty, high unemployment and the proliferation of small arms throughout the country. Dozens of Nigerian police officers die in the line of duty every year. Nigeria’s police generally lack capacity to deal with the challenges they face. Police officers are poorly trained, ill-equipped, and poorly remunerated. Some human rights abuses carried out by the police are partly a response to public pressure to reduce the high levels of violent crime. Nigerian civil society groups and Human Rights Watch’s own investigations have revealed that, lacking the means to carry out effective criminal investigations, some police officers extract confessions through torture, or murder suspects in their custody who police believe to be guilty. Other cases represent a simple abuse of power targeting ordinary civilians.
Police officers routinely label individuals they kill as “armed robbers” who fired on police; according to police statistics, all of the thousands of individuals shot and killed by police officers were “armed robbers.” Credible government investigations into allegations of disproportionate use of force or murder have been extremely rare and the facts on the ground often belie the claims of police officials. In June 2005, the murder of six young people at a police checkpoint in Abuja generated a nationwide scandal that led to an investigation and criminal charges against the officers involved, but that case was an exception to prevailing norms. Reported cases of investigations into police killings have been extremely rare and accountability even less common. In August 2006, police arrested and publicly “paraded” 12 armed robbery suspects in the Abia State town of Umuahia; the 12 were later found among a pile of 16 corpses deposited near a local mortuary. Police officials claimed that all 16 were armed robbers who had somehow been involved in an exchange of gunfire with the police. No investigation was carried out. According to the police’s own statistics, police personnel have shot and killed more than 8,000 people since January 2000 in circumstances that remain largely unexplained. In 2005, police officials told Human Rights Watch that from January 2000 to March 2004 police personnel killed 7,198 “armed robbers” in “combat.” Remarkably, during the first three months of 2004, the police claimed to have killed 422 armed robbers in shootouts, while recovering only 300 firearms.
The figures available to Human Rights Watch do not include any data for police killings during most of 2004, 2005, 2006, or the first half of 2007. If police killings were carried out at even half the average rate during that period, Nigeria’s police have killed in excess of 10,000 people.
Nigeria is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and as such has an obligation to carry out an effective official investigation when individuals have been killed as a result of the use of force by any law enforcement official. International standards also require that, when resort to firearms and use of force is unavoidable, the police exercise restraint and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, so as to respect and preserve human life. Governments are required to ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by police is appropriately punished.
Nigerian president Umaru Yar’Adua came into office in May 2007 after being named the victor in elections, the credibility of which was destroyed by rampant fraud and violence. Nonetheless, President Yar’Adua has pledged to uphold the rule of law and press for key reforms. Yar’Adua named Mike Okiro as Acting Inspector General of Police in June 2007 and has not yet commented on the hundreds of killings the police claim to have since carried out. “Yar’Adua’s pledge to respect the rule of law means little if the concept does not even require the police to account for the hundreds of Nigerians they kill in a routine month’s work,” Takirambudde said. “The federal government should immediately launch a public and comprehensive inquiry into every killing carried out by the police since Okiro came into office as Inspector General.”
Human Rights Watch called upon the federal government to end the rampant impunity that makes police abuses possible and commonplace. In addition to an immediate public investigation of police activity since Okiro came to office, resources must be devoted to improved police training, including training on human rights issues as well as legal and appropriate interrogation techniques.

Until now, little was known about what went on inside prison walls in Kenya. There is no room for the new arrivals For many years, concerns have been raised over the inhuman conditions in Kenyan jails and claims of torture, brutality and congestion have been frequent. the brutality and negligence which have been so present at Nairobi Prison is the hallmark of jails throughout Kenya. Nairobi Prison is a maze of chain-link fences, razor wire and guard towers in the city's busy industrial area.There are 12 inmates here in this cell meant for only three people Prison official David Mwania Inside, the first roll-call, to ensure all inmates are accounted for, is under way. In quick succession, iron doors open to reveal hundreds of half naked bodies, pressed together on the concrete floor of their cells. Their cages are filled with the fetid smell of sweat, dirt and human waste. Evidence that the prison is being choked with inmates, some on short sentences and others waiting to appear in court, is not exactly hard to find.
Here more than 3,000 inmates - 3,800 on today's count - share a prison designed for only 800 prisoners. The daily budget: $0.30 per prisoner. "This is the worst congested prison in the country," says David Mwania, who is in charge of Nairobi Prison, built in 1911. In the capital wing, housing more than 400 inmates facing the capital punishment, dozens of inmates are herded into tiny cells with the capacity for between one and five prisoners. Kenyan prisons are notoriously overcrowded
"There are 12 inmates here in this cell meant for only three people," Mr Mwania says, pointing to an old, stinking cell.
"There are only two mattresses and no blankets." One of the inmates is 30-year-old John Njoroge Njagi, who has been here for four years, facing a charge of robbery with violence, a capital offence. "I haven't put on my clothes because we've been sweating throughout the night," he says. "Four years on, my case is still pending in court and I am still here."
Cameron County jails women often are treated inhumanely
Candidates heard about conditions at the four detention centers in the county. Gail Hanson, a community activist who spends two hours per week with female inmates, said that women often are treated inhumanely, adding that women have had to ask her for underwear because jail staff would not provide them. “What is that?” she asked. “We can’t give underwear to our women in jail?” She said she knows of at least 10 women who have reported not being given sanitary napkins or toilet paper during their menstrual cycle. Hanson said she knows of eight women who have had miscarriages while in jail. “They are unable to get the treatment that they need,” she said and asked the panel of six candidates, “If you are elected will you be proactive and provide inmates with decent living (conditions)?”
Also speaking on jail conditions was Patricia Treviño, a former educator who was arrested on a driving while intoxicated charge and says she lost her home, family and job because she did not know what process to follow while incarcerated nor have the money to hire a lawyer to represent her. She remembers that shortly after her incarceration, she asked for an indigent package, which contains such basic necessities as deodorant, sanitary napkins, and underwear. “But I was told there was none,” Treviño said. Months later another inmate felt sorry for her and gave her a used pair of underwear.
The UT-Austin graduate said that life in prison was harsh and described her living conditions as inhumane. Lawyer Abner Burnett, director for the South Texas Civil Rights Project, and lawyer Ed Stapelton also spoke about treatment of inmates at jail facilities here. Candidates were given three minutes to answer how they would handle the influx of inmates and still provide for speedy trials, the treatment of male and female inmates and the measures they would take to help rehabilitate inmates. Eloy Cano Jr., an investigator with the district attorney’s office, said it was not Treviño's fault she received the treatment she did. He added that if elected he would not hand down punishment, but rather would do what the court asked him to do. “I’m passionate about three things, my faith, my family and my job,” he said. “We need to stop this cruel and unusual punishment.” Joe Cisneros, a retired Texas Department of Public Safety trooper and bailiff with Cameron County, said the jail has too many chiefs and not enough Indians. “They are not doing their jobs,” he said, referring to supervisors at the four jails. “It doesn’t have to take four hours to release an inmate.” Rick Herrera, an investigator with the sheriff’s department, explained that after a complaint is filed, an investigator picks up the case, and added that the reason inmates have to sit in jail for long periods is because the Special Investigations Unit is under-staffed.
“We have to work on the current case, but we still have our cases from last month,” he said. “It is not necessary to treat jail inmates like animals.
Jimmy Manrrique, a supervisor with the Brownsville Police Department’s Criminal Investigations Division, said that in 2007 Sheriff Lucio went to the Cameron County Commissioners Court, informing them he did not know what to do with the overpopulated jail. “Sometime last year, Omar Lucio said, ‘I give up. I have an overcrowded jail. I need a tent,’” he said. Manrrique also promoted the idea of inmates obtaining their general equivalency degree while they are incarcerated, citing statistics that show a person with a GED has a better chance of success.
“What would it cost to bring in a GED program?” he questioned. “Nothing.”
Hilda Treviño, a jail supervisor with the sheriff’s department, said she would create a network and work with the district attorney’s office, probation department and staff at the jail to speed up trial dates for inmates.
“I have seen women on the floor with blue sheets,” she said. “Last time I was suspended for 21 days and brought back a day before civil service (was implemented). I have helped inmates before.”
Peter Zavaletta, a local lawyer, said that if elected to the district attorney’s post he would give whoever is elected sheriff 90 days to get the conditions at the jail up to par with state standards or begin prosecuting staff at the jail for violations of civil rights.
All candidates were asked if they would allow reporters inside the jails and all said they would. In the past, The Herald has not been allowed to visit with inmates in jail facilities for security reasons, Lucio has said.
Also speaking on jail conditions was Patricia Treviño, a former educator who was arrested on a driving while intoxicated charge and says she lost her home, family and job because she did not know what process to follow while incarcerated nor have the money to hire a lawyer to represent her. She remembers that shortly after her incarceration, she asked for an indigent package, which contains such basic necessities as deodorant, sanitary napkins, and underwear. “But I was told there was none,” Treviño said. Months later another inmate felt sorry for her and gave her a used pair of underwear.
The UT-Austin graduate said that life in prison was harsh and described her living conditions as inhumane. Lawyer Abner Burnett, director for the South Texas Civil Rights Project, and lawyer Ed Stapelton also spoke about treatment of inmates at jail facilities here. Candidates were given three minutes to answer how they would handle the influx of inmates and still provide for speedy trials, the treatment of male and female inmates and the measures they would take to help rehabilitate inmates. Eloy Cano Jr., an investigator with the district attorney’s office, said it was not Treviño's fault she received the treatment she did. He added that if elected he would not hand down punishment, but rather would do what the court asked him to do. “I’m passionate about three things, my faith, my family and my job,” he said. “We need to stop this cruel and unusual punishment.” Joe Cisneros, a retired Texas Department of Public Safety trooper and bailiff with Cameron County, said the jail has too many chiefs and not enough Indians. “They are not doing their jobs,” he said, referring to supervisors at the four jails. “It doesn’t have to take four hours to release an inmate.” Rick Herrera, an investigator with the sheriff’s department, explained that after a complaint is filed, an investigator picks up the case, and added that the reason inmates have to sit in jail for long periods is because the Special Investigations Unit is under-staffed.
“We have to work on the current case, but we still have our cases from last month,” he said. “It is not necessary to treat jail inmates like animals.
Jimmy Manrrique, a supervisor with the Brownsville Police Department’s Criminal Investigations Division, said that in 2007 Sheriff Lucio went to the Cameron County Commissioners Court, informing them he did not know what to do with the overpopulated jail. “Sometime last year, Omar Lucio said, ‘I give up. I have an overcrowded jail. I need a tent,’” he said. Manrrique also promoted the idea of inmates obtaining their general equivalency degree while they are incarcerated, citing statistics that show a person with a GED has a better chance of success.
“What would it cost to bring in a GED program?” he questioned. “Nothing.”
Hilda Treviño, a jail supervisor with the sheriff’s department, said she would create a network and work with the district attorney’s office, probation department and staff at the jail to speed up trial dates for inmates.
“I have seen women on the floor with blue sheets,” she said. “Last time I was suspended for 21 days and brought back a day before civil service (was implemented). I have helped inmates before.”
Peter Zavaletta, a local lawyer, said that if elected to the district attorney’s post he would give whoever is elected sheriff 90 days to get the conditions at the jail up to par with state standards or begin prosecuting staff at the jail for violations of civil rights.
All candidates were asked if they would allow reporters inside the jails and all said they would. In the past, The Herald has not been allowed to visit with inmates in jail facilities for security reasons, Lucio has said.
Sunday, 24 February 2008
Frederic Bocher is currently being held in a DNCD jail, and will appear before the public prosecutor of Santo Domingo
Members of the special border security force Cesfront and the national army recovered almost 32 pounds of marijuana abandoned by a Haitian who tried to enter the country through a rural community near the city of Dajábon late Saturday, according to a statement released by National Drug Control Agency (DNCD) Sunday. The discovery was the latest in a series of weekend drug seizures, spokesman Lebrón Robert of the DNCD said. A Swiss citizen was arrested Saturday night at Las Americas International Airport when he tried to travel to Spain with five packages of a white powder believed to be cocaine in his luggage. Another small amount of cocaine was seized in the tourist area of Guayacanes near Juan Dolio, Robert said.
The marijuana found near Dajabón was taken to the central anti-drug agency, where it was analyzed and later destroyed. The Haitian citizen believed to be the owner of the drugs fled. The Swiss citizen, 27-year-old Frederic Bocher, is currently being held in a DNCD jail, and will appear before the public prosecutor of Santo Domingo province on Monday, the statement said.
The marijuana found near Dajabón was taken to the central anti-drug agency, where it was analyzed and later destroyed. The Haitian citizen believed to be the owner of the drugs fled. The Swiss citizen, 27-year-old Frederic Bocher, is currently being held in a DNCD jail, and will appear before the public prosecutor of Santo Domingo province on Monday, the statement said.
Saturday, 23 February 2008
"Welcome to Tijuana. Our guns are bigger than your guns."
Corrupt customs officials help smuggle weapons into Mexico, earning as much as $1 million for large shipments, police here say. The weapons are often bought legally at gun shows in Arizona and other border states where loopholes allow criminals to stock up without background checks.
"You're looking at the same firepower here on the border that our soldiers are facing in Iraq and Afghanistan," Thomas Mangan, a spokesman in Phoenix for the ATF, said in an interview.The U.S. weapons -- as many as 2,000 enter Mexico each day, according to a Mexican government study -- are crucial tools in an astoundingly barbaric war between rival cartels that has cost 4,000 lives in the past 18 months and sent law enforcement agencies in Washington and Mexico City into crisis mode.
These drug traffickers, with their steady supply of U.S. weaponry, are the target of President Bush's proposed $500 million U.S. aid package to help Mexico battle cartels. Officials with the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, or ATF, hope that some of the money will be used to give Mexican police chiefs greater access to U.S. databases for gun traces. Currently, the traces can be made only through federal police headquarters in Mexico City. Many police chiefs do not even bother to make requests because of the inevitable bureaucratic delays.

Assassins blasted Ricardo Rosas Alvarado, a member of an elite state police force, with a blizzard of bullets pumped out of AK-47 assault rifles.
Alvarado crumpled at the wheel of his sedan, yet another victim of the weapons known here as "goat's horns" because of their curved ammunition clips, and which can fire at a rate of 600 rounds per minute. The killing, Mexican authorities said, was a panorama of blood, shattered glass and torn metal that brutally showcased the firepower of Mexico's drug cartels. But that was just the warm-up. Two hours later, a small army of cartel hit men descended on a federal police office and bunkhouse in this crowded city at one of the world's busiest border crossings. None of the officers, who had recently been sent here to crush the drug gangs terrorizing the city, were killed in the hail of more than 1,200 bullets, authorities said. But police veterans understood the message delivered to the newcomers: "Welcome to Tijuana. Our guns are bigger than your guns." The high-powered guns used in both incidents on the evening of Sept. 24 undoubtedly came from the United States, say police here, who estimate that 100 percent of drug-related killings are committed with smuggled U.S. weapons. The guns pass into Mexico through the "ant trail," the nickname for the steady stream of people who each slip two or three weapons across the border every day. The "ants" -- along with larger smuggling operations -- are feeding a rapidly expanding arms race between Mexican drug cartels. The arms traffickers have left Mexico awash in AK-47s, pistols, telescope sighting devices, grenades, grenade launchers and high-powered ammunition, such as the so-called cop-killer bullets believed to be able to penetrate bulletproof vests.
"You're looking at the same firepower here on the border that our soldiers are facing in Iraq and Afghanistan," Thomas Mangan, a spokesman in Phoenix for the ATF, said in an interview.The U.S. weapons -- as many as 2,000 enter Mexico each day, according to a Mexican government study -- are crucial tools in an astoundingly barbaric war between rival cartels that has cost 4,000 lives in the past 18 months and sent law enforcement agencies in Washington and Mexico City into crisis mode.
Assassins blasted Ricardo Rosas Alvarado, a member of an elite state police force, with a blizzard of bullets pumped out of AK-47 assault rifles.
Alvarado crumpled at the wheel of his sedan, yet another victim of the weapons known here as "goat's horns" because of their curved ammunition clips, and which can fire at a rate of 600 rounds per minute. The killing, Mexican authorities said, was a panorama of blood, shattered glass and torn metal that brutally showcased the firepower of Mexico's drug cartels. But that was just the warm-up. Two hours later, a small army of cartel hit men descended on a federal police office and bunkhouse in this crowded city at one of the world's busiest border crossings. None of the officers, who had recently been sent here to crush the drug gangs terrorizing the city, were killed in the hail of more than 1,200 bullets, authorities said. But police veterans understood the message delivered to the newcomers: "Welcome to Tijuana. Our guns are bigger than your guns." The high-powered guns used in both incidents on the evening of Sept. 24 undoubtedly came from the United States, say police here, who estimate that 100 percent of drug-related killings are committed with smuggled U.S. weapons. The guns pass into Mexico through the "ant trail," the nickname for the steady stream of people who each slip two or three weapons across the border every day. The "ants" -- along with larger smuggling operations -- are feeding a rapidly expanding arms race between Mexican drug cartels. The arms traffickers have left Mexico awash in AK-47s, pistols, telescope sighting devices, grenades, grenade launchers and high-powered ammunition, such as the so-called cop-killer bullets believed to be able to penetrate bulletproof vests.
Sydney International Airport, 22-year-old American man arrested, Eleven people have now been charged with smuggling drugs into Australia internally
Two people have been charged with trying to smuggle drugs into Sydney International Airport in separate incidents last weekend.A 39-year-old Australian woman will appear in Parramatta Local Court later Saturday after allegedly trying to smuggle in more than 300 grams of heroin.She was stopped by authorities after arriving on a flight from Vietnam last Sunday.Authorities suspected the woman was concealing drugs internally.The woman was taken to hospital where she passed 103 pellets containing heroin, the Australian Federal Police (AFP) allege.A 22-year-old American man was stopped on arrival at the airport last Saturday on a flight from Dubai.He was referred to the AFP and also taken to hospital, where it is alleged he passed 44 pellets containing about 130 grams of a substance suspected of being heroin.He is due to appear in court at a later date.Eleven people have now been charged with smuggling drugs into Australia internally this year.The offence carries a maximum penalty of 25 years' jail
Two Ghanaians have been executed in Libya
Two Ghanaians have been executed in Libya for allegedly killing a citizen of that country.The Ghanaians, together with another compatriot and a Nigerian have been on death row since 2002 after being convicted of murder under Libyan Sharia law.Attempts to secure their release through the intervention of President John Agyekum Kufuor were not successful, as the Libyan authorities stuck to their guns that the convicts must face capital punishment.Deputy Minister of Information and National Orientation, Frank Agyekum said government did enough to secure the release of the executed Ghanaians. According to him, President Kufuor’s intervention in 2002 led to a little reprieve for the victims with their execution being delayed for six years.Speaking on CITI FM, an Accra based radio station last Friday, Mr. Agyekum said the Libyans indicated that under Sharia law, it is only the relatives of the dead who can pardon the killers and therefore the President’s request could not be granted. He added that even if a traditional treaty had existed between the governments of Ghana and Libya, it would have been difficult to secure the victims’ release because of Sharia law. the two Ghanaians, the Nigerian and another Ghanaian called Blankson were sentenced to death in 1998 for killing a Libyan, and were expected to be executed in 2002. Mr. Agyekum said after President Kufuor requested for clemency from Libyan leader Muamar Gaddafi, the execution was delayed until recently when the Ghana Mission got information of the reactivation of the death sentence which the Libyan authorities carried out last week. Sensing danger that the other Ghanaian, known as Blankson may be executed as well, Mr Agyekum said the government last Friday morning wrote to the Libyan Ambassador to Ghana requesting that the life of the third Ghanaian be spared in the name of African unity.
On whether there are a lot more Ghanaians in Libyan prisons awaiting execution, Mr. Agyekum reiterated that he was not aware of such reports. “I am aware that there is one person who was convicted along with these two. There may still be others but as at the moment, I do not know whether there are a lot more Ghanaians convicted,” he said.He re-emphasized that the Ghana Mission in Libya and the government have been doing a lot in respect of the well-being of Ghanaians in the Arab country. “In the case of this Libyan matter, the Ghana Mission has done well enough,” he added relatives of the executed Ghanaians are demanding their bodies for proper burial.Mr. Agyekum said the government would look at the possibility of bringing the bodies home, adding that it has taken the issue very seriously. “Government has informed the Libyan Ambassador to Ghana about the possibility of the Libyan authorities releasing the bodies of the two Ghanaians for onward transfer to their families here,” he added.
On whether there are a lot more Ghanaians in Libyan prisons awaiting execution, Mr. Agyekum reiterated that he was not aware of such reports. “I am aware that there is one person who was convicted along with these two. There may still be others but as at the moment, I do not know whether there are a lot more Ghanaians convicted,” he said.He re-emphasized that the Ghana Mission in Libya and the government have been doing a lot in respect of the well-being of Ghanaians in the Arab country. “In the case of this Libyan matter, the Ghana Mission has done well enough,” he added relatives of the executed Ghanaians are demanding their bodies for proper burial.Mr. Agyekum said the government would look at the possibility of bringing the bodies home, adding that it has taken the issue very seriously. “Government has informed the Libyan Ambassador to Ghana about the possibility of the Libyan authorities releasing the bodies of the two Ghanaians for onward transfer to their families here,” he added.
Saturday, 2 February 2008
Nat Chonnithiwanit: Criminal gang of Border Patrol Police officers
Innocent victims of a gang of Border Patrol Police officers who forced them to make false confessions to drug charges and extorted money from them. The gang and leader Nat Chonnithiwanit also face allegations of torture, and claims that victims were imprisoned with false testimony if they failed to pay the ransom.
Chaiwiwat Bunkua, a 33-year-old from Phuket, lodged a complaint with Crime Suppression police on Friday, saying Pol Capt Nat's gang had physically assaulted and detained him and his two friends in September 2006.
Mr Chaiwiwat claimed the gang arrested him along with his friends Sirithep Mingpicharn, 33, and Rewat Rongmuang, 22, on Sept 12, 2006, in Phangnga province, accusing them of trafficking methamphetamines. Mr Chaiwiwat said he and his friends had never been involved with drugs.
He claimed the three were taken to a hotel where they were beaten and tortured until they agreed to make false confessions that they had metham-phetamine pills for sale.
Their trial on charges of trafficking methamphetamines is still before the courts.
Mr Chaiwiwat said he once filed a complaint against the gang at Phuket police station after the incident, but no action was taken.
Nukul Ruangjui, 44, and his wife Somsi Yos-in, 45, from Kanchanaburi have also filed a complaint with Surajit Klai-udom, the deputy superintendent of the 41st BPP unit and Pol Capt Nat's supervisor, accusing him of malfeasance, unlawful detention and robbery.
Mr Nukul alleged Pol Lt-Col Surajit and his associates beat up his son and his son's friend on August 3 last year and forced them to confess that they had 1,182 methamphetamine pills for sale.
Two other people filing similar charges against Pol Capt Nat's gang with Crime Suppression Division police on Friday were named as Chokdee Thong-o, 32 from Krabi, and Jamnong Rungruangma, 50, from Songkhla. Ms Jamnong said she paid extortion money to the gang and was still charged.
In Chumphon, another drug suspect on bail, Somchai Baengbun, 25, lodged a similar complaint against the gang.
Chaiwiwat Bunkua, a 33-year-old from Phuket, lodged a complaint with Crime Suppression police on Friday, saying Pol Capt Nat's gang had physically assaulted and detained him and his two friends in September 2006.
Mr Chaiwiwat claimed the gang arrested him along with his friends Sirithep Mingpicharn, 33, and Rewat Rongmuang, 22, on Sept 12, 2006, in Phangnga province, accusing them of trafficking methamphetamines. Mr Chaiwiwat said he and his friends had never been involved with drugs.
He claimed the three were taken to a hotel where they were beaten and tortured until they agreed to make false confessions that they had metham-phetamine pills for sale.
Their trial on charges of trafficking methamphetamines is still before the courts.
Mr Chaiwiwat said he once filed a complaint against the gang at Phuket police station after the incident, but no action was taken.
Nukul Ruangjui, 44, and his wife Somsi Yos-in, 45, from Kanchanaburi have also filed a complaint with Surajit Klai-udom, the deputy superintendent of the 41st BPP unit and Pol Capt Nat's supervisor, accusing him of malfeasance, unlawful detention and robbery.
Mr Nukul alleged Pol Lt-Col Surajit and his associates beat up his son and his son's friend on August 3 last year and forced them to confess that they had 1,182 methamphetamine pills for sale.
Two other people filing similar charges against Pol Capt Nat's gang with Crime Suppression Division police on Friday were named as Chokdee Thong-o, 32 from Krabi, and Jamnong Rungruangma, 50, from Songkhla. Ms Jamnong said she paid extortion money to the gang and was still charged.
In Chumphon, another drug suspect on bail, Somchai Baengbun, 25, lodged a similar complaint against the gang.
Monday, 28 January 2008
Lynn Majakas
Lynn Majakas, who was sentenced to four years for possessing cannabis and six months (later quashed on appeal) for buying alcohol, said that sleeping in a warm bed, without the deafening noise of officers barking orders at her and the stench of dirty drains, was difficult to get used to.
She said: "All I had for two years was three very thin blankets and a concrete floor in a cockroach-infested cell, which was designed for one but which at times I shared with four other women. On my floor there were 145 women, 16 rooms and just 47 beds. There were five working toilets, five working basins and three showers.
"The water was always the temperature of the weather outside, which meant that in the summer we burnt and in the winter we froze." In February, after her first appeal was rejected, she begged to see a psychiatrist, who put her on anti-depressants.
She said: "It was then that I really went to pieces and just couldn't stop crying. No one knew what to do with me. The prosecutors wanted to extend our sentence to one of trafficking, which would have led to a sentence of seven to 10 years."
She said: "All I had for two years was three very thin blankets and a concrete floor in a cockroach-infested cell, which was designed for one but which at times I shared with four other women. On my floor there were 145 women, 16 rooms and just 47 beds. There were five working toilets, five working basins and three showers.
"The water was always the temperature of the weather outside, which meant that in the summer we burnt and in the winter we froze." In February, after her first appeal was rejected, she begged to see a psychiatrist, who put her on anti-depressants.
She said: "It was then that I really went to pieces and just couldn't stop crying. No one knew what to do with me. The prosecutors wanted to extend our sentence to one of trafficking, which would have led to a sentence of seven to 10 years."
Al Wathba prison :Jeremy Snaith
Jeremy Snaith and an unnamed colleague have made that journey and now they're facing the prospect of being punished with the cane.
The two were arrested for drunkenness and sexual harassment of airline staff on a flight from Australia more than a month ago.
A third man, Mr Snaith's fellow-company director David Evans, was granted bail ahead of an appearance in an Abu Dhabi courtroom sometime in the next few weeks.
As Simon Santow reports, the lawyer for the Australians has painted a grim picture of life inside Al Wathba prison in the United Arab Emirates.
SIMON SANTOW: As the temperature in the desert nudges 50 degrees Celsius, Jeremy Snaith is languishing inside Al Wathba prison outside Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates.
A fellow passenger on board last month's Etihad flight from Australia is also locked up.
Mr Snaith's business colleague David Evans is waiting to have his day in court, but in air-conditioned comfort after being bailed.
The three Australians share Sydney Lawyer Ross Hill who’s flown in to try and sort out the mess.
ROSS HILL: These men are very respectable businessmen. They created... they pegged the foundations for a significant company and they were certainly over here to further the interests of that company and in that respect further the interests of our country.
SIMON SANTOW: Ross hill says his clients are keeping their spirits up but doing it tough at a jail known the world over for its human rights abuses.
ROSS HILL: It's a jail literally in the middle of the desert.
You know they're fed a bit of a staple diet of fermented camel meat. Sometimes they have chicken. There's no air-conditioning and it gets up to 52 degrees Celsius out there.
Mr Snaith and the other gentleman are in a cell the size of a tennis court with about 130 people in that cell. There's three showers and toilets for them to have and one of the very upsetting things for Mr Snaith is that the execution yard is not far from that holding cell and basically when someone's executed well you're right there listening.
SIMON SANTOW: Just how long the men will be forced to listen to the cries of the executed is not known.
Ever since they were first arrested more than a month ago, they've been accused of sexual harassment, being under the influence of alcohol and in the case of the two in jail, drugs. Their lawyer Ross Hill says he's confident they'll eventually be cleared.
ROSS HILL: There's been these accusations made that involve some type of sexual harassment but obviously they're denied. And I should say that nobody was drunk on that flight and in fact, blood and urine tests that were returned had negative results in that regard.
SIMON SANTOW: So how could the airline therefore have got it so wrong to be under the impression that these gentlemen were intoxicated?
ROSS HILL: Well it's a very good question and I'm sure that will come out in the appropriate arena, if and when it comes to that.
SIMON SANTOW: Ross Hill concedes his clients' behaviour was unruly and perhaps could be interpreted as insensitive to Arab custom.
But he says in no way could it deserve the possible punishment a guilty verdict could bring.
ROSS HILL: We're still having some trouble ascertaining the exact penalties but we believe that theoretically they could possibly be lashed as a result of some of these allegations.
SIMON SANTOW: Lashing in the United Arab Emirates is understood to mean being tied to a tripod and caned as many as 80 times.
The two were arrested for drunkenness and sexual harassment of airline staff on a flight from Australia more than a month ago.
A third man, Mr Snaith's fellow-company director David Evans, was granted bail ahead of an appearance in an Abu Dhabi courtroom sometime in the next few weeks.
As Simon Santow reports, the lawyer for the Australians has painted a grim picture of life inside Al Wathba prison in the United Arab Emirates.
SIMON SANTOW: As the temperature in the desert nudges 50 degrees Celsius, Jeremy Snaith is languishing inside Al Wathba prison outside Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates.
A fellow passenger on board last month's Etihad flight from Australia is also locked up.
Mr Snaith's business colleague David Evans is waiting to have his day in court, but in air-conditioned comfort after being bailed.
The three Australians share Sydney Lawyer Ross Hill who’s flown in to try and sort out the mess.
ROSS HILL: These men are very respectable businessmen. They created... they pegged the foundations for a significant company and they were certainly over here to further the interests of that company and in that respect further the interests of our country.
SIMON SANTOW: Ross hill says his clients are keeping their spirits up but doing it tough at a jail known the world over for its human rights abuses.
ROSS HILL: It's a jail literally in the middle of the desert.
You know they're fed a bit of a staple diet of fermented camel meat. Sometimes they have chicken. There's no air-conditioning and it gets up to 52 degrees Celsius out there.
Mr Snaith and the other gentleman are in a cell the size of a tennis court with about 130 people in that cell. There's three showers and toilets for them to have and one of the very upsetting things for Mr Snaith is that the execution yard is not far from that holding cell and basically when someone's executed well you're right there listening.
SIMON SANTOW: Just how long the men will be forced to listen to the cries of the executed is not known.
Ever since they were first arrested more than a month ago, they've been accused of sexual harassment, being under the influence of alcohol and in the case of the two in jail, drugs. Their lawyer Ross Hill says he's confident they'll eventually be cleared.
ROSS HILL: There's been these accusations made that involve some type of sexual harassment but obviously they're denied. And I should say that nobody was drunk on that flight and in fact, blood and urine tests that were returned had negative results in that regard.
SIMON SANTOW: So how could the airline therefore have got it so wrong to be under the impression that these gentlemen were intoxicated?
ROSS HILL: Well it's a very good question and I'm sure that will come out in the appropriate arena, if and when it comes to that.
SIMON SANTOW: Ross Hill concedes his clients' behaviour was unruly and perhaps could be interpreted as insensitive to Arab custom.
But he says in no way could it deserve the possible punishment a guilty verdict could bring.
ROSS HILL: We're still having some trouble ascertaining the exact penalties but we believe that theoretically they could possibly be lashed as a result of some of these allegations.
SIMON SANTOW: Lashing in the United Arab Emirates is understood to mean being tied to a tripod and caned as many as 80 times.
Jonathon Wheeler
Jonathon Wheeler has lived in Bangkwang prison for five and a half years. The story of how he got there is so familiar it has become a cliché. He was trapped in a gambling debt and threatened with death unless he carried a package out of Thailand to pay it off. The dealers tipped off customs and while Wheeler was stopped the people with serious quantities of heroin slipped through. Wheeler's life - working in a bar on the island of Ko Samui and kickboxing for a living - was over at the age of 33. He was sentenced to 50 years.
He could be home by now, but he has chosen to stay in a prison that is described as 'among the very worst in the world'. After four or eight years, depending on the length of the sentence, Thai authorities allow prisoners to transfer to a jail in their home country. U.S. and Australian prisoners are put on parole almost immediately. British law however, states that all prisoners must serve half their remaining sentence, which, given the draconian nature of sentences imposed in Thailand often means a great many years.
Sandra Gregory, a teacher from Yorkshire sentenced to 22 years in 1993, chose to take that route, returning to Britain after 4 years in Bangkwang. Last weekend her family held a candlelit vigil outside Downing Street to mark the start of her eighth year of incarceration. But despite her parents' high profile campaign for her pardon, she is unlikely to be eligible for parole until December 2003.
Wheeler has declined to follow Gregory's example because he believes that despite the grim prison conditions he is better off in Bangkok, where at least there is some hope of early release. And he is not alone: Brian Mounsey, 41, could also be home by now, but has decided to stay and apply for a pardon or a reduction in sentence. There was great anticipation on the King's 72nd birthday in December, traditionally an excuse for an amnesty. In the event, all drug prisoners were excluded.
Jonathon Wheelers mother, Sheila Bucket, believes her son is making the right choice by staying put. She is only too aware that the prison is "disgusting, with rats and cats and cockroaches", but says that they have a "funny sort of freedom out there. They have a big yard, and they're outside for most of the day. A girl from England sent out money from her church, and so they have built a hut in the yard."
Wheeler could have come home 18 months ago " People who have done that tell him they wish they hadn't," says Bucket.
Gregory, 34, came home almost 3 years ago. Until recently, she was imprisoned in Durham prison, alongside Rosemary West. She is now in Cookham Wood, in Kent. "She's not in a good way," says her mother Doreen. The Gregory's describe Sandra's continued incarceration as a "huge waste of everybody's lives". Under British law, her crime would have merited a 4-year sentence. Doreen Gregory points to a recent case where a couple received sentences a third of the length of Sandra's for smuggling 30,000 timed the amount of heroin. The British government however is declining to write a letter to Thai authorities supporting their call for an appeal.
Sources within the foreign office suggest that a reform of the law, to bring it in line with that of the U.S or Australia, might be creeping on to the agenda. Officially, however, the idea is not entertained. The last thing the government wants is to be seen to be soft on drug offenders: prisoners and their relatives argue that they have been punished many times over and that they are no real danger to society.
For Paul, the question of transfer did not arise. Paul (not his real name) carried drugs out of Thailand, and was given a 100-year sentence. After four and a half years in Bangkwang, he was pardoned on the grounds of terminal illness. Now, aged 29 and HIV-Positive, he has been home for 13 months. He looks well on a battery of drugs. "It's been hard, coming back" he says " I'm still not working or anything. You get used to being in an environment you know. My best mate was still there. I didn't want to leave him."
When he was sentenced, Paul had been living in Thailand for 5 years, but found his arrival in prison utterly bewildering. "I walked through the gates, and you don't know if you are coming or going. There's just people shouting at you. One guard with a glove on doing anal searches. He comes to me and I go, 'There's no way you're doing that.' I said OK you can do it, if that's the rule, if you change the glove. I'm not having that glove… Literally the fingers on it were brown."
Once Paul was diagnosed as HIV positive, he focused on his own survival. Around 10% of Bangkwang inmates are infected. "If I had had the medicine I'm on now," he says, " there's a good chance that a guard would take half of it away and sell it on. Or someone's going to take a knife and stick it in my back to take it."
Conditions in Thai prisons, while bad for everybody, are made bearable if the prisoner has support from outside. "I didn't realise at first that you could buy fresh food," Paul recalls. "The first morning I thought how can I eat that? There's red rice, which is like brown rice but the lowest grade. And there's hairy fish-head soup. I took some and thought I was going to die."
"Five months after he got there Johnny trod on something and the cut became infected," his mother recalls. "I thought I was going to lose him. But if you can pay the money, you can always get to the hospitals. There's a really bad flu bug in the prison at the moment. TB is rife, and there's leprosy. They sit outside and scrape it off." The British embassy provides vitamins, and Prisoners Abroad also helps as much as it can.
Paul admits that he took heroin in prison. "You have to do something," he says. "I wish I hadn't. I felt better when I wasn't. But it's so tempting. I didn't share needles," he adds, "Until I knew I was HIV Positive."
It is chilling to realise that Paul, with his terminal illness is almost the lucky one. "The financial rewards will never be worth it," he says. "Never, It's really dumb, and I was really dumb. I knew what was going on, but there are hundreds of people in there who didn't. They've landed in the country, been given a suitcase, and they've taken it back out. They probably know what's in there, but if you're after the money you're going to convince yourself."
No Briton has ever survived the eight years that life prisoners must serve in Thailand before they can transfer. But Wheeler, Mounsey and others are trying to hold out.
He could be home by now, but he has chosen to stay in a prison that is described as 'among the very worst in the world'. After four or eight years, depending on the length of the sentence, Thai authorities allow prisoners to transfer to a jail in their home country. U.S. and Australian prisoners are put on parole almost immediately. British law however, states that all prisoners must serve half their remaining sentence, which, given the draconian nature of sentences imposed in Thailand often means a great many years.
Sandra Gregory, a teacher from Yorkshire sentenced to 22 years in 1993, chose to take that route, returning to Britain after 4 years in Bangkwang. Last weekend her family held a candlelit vigil outside Downing Street to mark the start of her eighth year of incarceration. But despite her parents' high profile campaign for her pardon, she is unlikely to be eligible for parole until December 2003.
Wheeler has declined to follow Gregory's example because he believes that despite the grim prison conditions he is better off in Bangkok, where at least there is some hope of early release. And he is not alone: Brian Mounsey, 41, could also be home by now, but has decided to stay and apply for a pardon or a reduction in sentence. There was great anticipation on the King's 72nd birthday in December, traditionally an excuse for an amnesty. In the event, all drug prisoners were excluded.
Jonathon Wheelers mother, Sheila Bucket, believes her son is making the right choice by staying put. She is only too aware that the prison is "disgusting, with rats and cats and cockroaches", but says that they have a "funny sort of freedom out there. They have a big yard, and they're outside for most of the day. A girl from England sent out money from her church, and so they have built a hut in the yard."
Wheeler could have come home 18 months ago " People who have done that tell him they wish they hadn't," says Bucket.
Gregory, 34, came home almost 3 years ago. Until recently, she was imprisoned in Durham prison, alongside Rosemary West. She is now in Cookham Wood, in Kent. "She's not in a good way," says her mother Doreen. The Gregory's describe Sandra's continued incarceration as a "huge waste of everybody's lives". Under British law, her crime would have merited a 4-year sentence. Doreen Gregory points to a recent case where a couple received sentences a third of the length of Sandra's for smuggling 30,000 timed the amount of heroin. The British government however is declining to write a letter to Thai authorities supporting their call for an appeal.
Sources within the foreign office suggest that a reform of the law, to bring it in line with that of the U.S or Australia, might be creeping on to the agenda. Officially, however, the idea is not entertained. The last thing the government wants is to be seen to be soft on drug offenders: prisoners and their relatives argue that they have been punished many times over and that they are no real danger to society.
For Paul, the question of transfer did not arise. Paul (not his real name) carried drugs out of Thailand, and was given a 100-year sentence. After four and a half years in Bangkwang, he was pardoned on the grounds of terminal illness. Now, aged 29 and HIV-Positive, he has been home for 13 months. He looks well on a battery of drugs. "It's been hard, coming back" he says " I'm still not working or anything. You get used to being in an environment you know. My best mate was still there. I didn't want to leave him."
When he was sentenced, Paul had been living in Thailand for 5 years, but found his arrival in prison utterly bewildering. "I walked through the gates, and you don't know if you are coming or going. There's just people shouting at you. One guard with a glove on doing anal searches. He comes to me and I go, 'There's no way you're doing that.' I said OK you can do it, if that's the rule, if you change the glove. I'm not having that glove… Literally the fingers on it were brown."
Once Paul was diagnosed as HIV positive, he focused on his own survival. Around 10% of Bangkwang inmates are infected. "If I had had the medicine I'm on now," he says, " there's a good chance that a guard would take half of it away and sell it on. Or someone's going to take a knife and stick it in my back to take it."
Conditions in Thai prisons, while bad for everybody, are made bearable if the prisoner has support from outside. "I didn't realise at first that you could buy fresh food," Paul recalls. "The first morning I thought how can I eat that? There's red rice, which is like brown rice but the lowest grade. And there's hairy fish-head soup. I took some and thought I was going to die."
"Five months after he got there Johnny trod on something and the cut became infected," his mother recalls. "I thought I was going to lose him. But if you can pay the money, you can always get to the hospitals. There's a really bad flu bug in the prison at the moment. TB is rife, and there's leprosy. They sit outside and scrape it off." The British embassy provides vitamins, and Prisoners Abroad also helps as much as it can.
Paul admits that he took heroin in prison. "You have to do something," he says. "I wish I hadn't. I felt better when I wasn't. But it's so tempting. I didn't share needles," he adds, "Until I knew I was HIV Positive."
It is chilling to realise that Paul, with his terminal illness is almost the lucky one. "The financial rewards will never be worth it," he says. "Never, It's really dumb, and I was really dumb. I knew what was going on, but there are hundreds of people in there who didn't. They've landed in the country, been given a suitcase, and they've taken it back out. They probably know what's in there, but if you're after the money you're going to convince yourself."
No Briton has ever survived the eight years that life prisoners must serve in Thailand before they can transfer. But Wheeler, Mounsey and others are trying to hold out.
Michelle Miles,Gina Johnson
Michelle Miles, 21, and Gina Johnson, 20, when they were caught with drugs worth £179,000.00.
The two – both first time offenders – had to be helped from court after Miles was jailed for six years and Johnson was given eight years detention. Judge Robin McEwan QC condemned the ‘big men’ in the drug trade. "They behave in a cowardly way getting young girls to do their errands".
But, he told Miles and Johnson: "Without couriers there would be no big men in the drug business."
The High Court in Edinburgh heard that both women told police they were too scared to say who had given them drugs, after they arrived in Aberdeen station on an overnight train from Wolverhampton.
Officers had been tipped off and were waiting for Miles and Johnson. The women were detained.
On the way to Grampian police HQ Miles admitted that she knew about the heroin and crack cocaine in her bags. Johnson began crying hysterically and told detectives: "It is just easy money."
The women were to receive £500.00 from the Midlands based drugs barons. Student Miles and club worker Johnson, both of Wolverhampton, pleaded guilty in being concerned in the supply of cocaine and heroin.
Solicitor – advocate George Mathers, defending Johnson, said after her arrest, she sobbed: "I had a bad dream about this" Mr Mathers added: "She’d had a premonition about being caught. It resulted in the nightmare she finds herself in today."
The two – both first time offenders – had to be helped from court after Miles was jailed for six years and Johnson was given eight years detention. Judge Robin McEwan QC condemned the ‘big men’ in the drug trade. "They behave in a cowardly way getting young girls to do their errands".
But, he told Miles and Johnson: "Without couriers there would be no big men in the drug business."
The High Court in Edinburgh heard that both women told police they were too scared to say who had given them drugs, after they arrived in Aberdeen station on an overnight train from Wolverhampton.
Officers had been tipped off and were waiting for Miles and Johnson. The women were detained.
On the way to Grampian police HQ Miles admitted that she knew about the heroin and crack cocaine in her bags. Johnson began crying hysterically and told detectives: "It is just easy money."
The women were to receive £500.00 from the Midlands based drugs barons. Student Miles and club worker Johnson, both of Wolverhampton, pleaded guilty in being concerned in the supply of cocaine and heroin.
Solicitor – advocate George Mathers, defending Johnson, said after her arrest, she sobbed: "I had a bad dream about this" Mr Mathers added: "She’d had a premonition about being caught. It resulted in the nightmare she finds herself in today."
Monday, 21 January 2008
"I regret the embarrassment caused by the public disclosure of the manual used in the department's torture awareness training,"
The Canadian minister of foreign affairs, Maxime Bernier, said he had ordered officials to rewrite an internal government manual that listed the United States among countries that potentially torture or abuse prisoners
"I regret the embarrassment caused by the public disclosure of the manual used in the department's torture awareness training," Bernier said Saturday in a statement. "It contains a list that wrongly includes some of our closest allies. I have directed that the manual be reviewed and rewritten."
"I regret the embarrassment caused by the public disclosure of the manual used in the department's torture awareness training," Bernier said Saturday in a statement. "It contains a list that wrongly includes some of our closest allies. I have directed that the manual be reviewed and rewritten."
U.S. prison system
They are just some of the victims of wholesale torture taking place inside the U.S. prison system that we uncovered during a four-month investigation for BBC Channel 4 . It’s terrible to watch some of the videos and realise that you’re not only seeing torture in action but, in the most extreme cases, you are witnessing young men dying.
The prison guards stand over their captives with electric cattle prods, stun guns, and dogs. Many of the prisoners have been ordered to strip naked. The guards are yelling abuse at them, ordering them to lie on the ground and crawl. ‘Crawl, motherf*****s, crawl.’
If a prisoner doesn’t drop to the ground fast enough, a guard kicks him or stamps on his back. There’s a high-pitched scream from one man as a dog clamps its teeth onto his lower leg.
Another prisoner has a broken ankle. He can’t crawl fast enough so a guard jabs a stun gun onto his buttocks. The jolt of electricity zaps through his naked flesh and genitals. For hours afterwards his whole body shakes.
Lines of men are now slithering across the floor of the cellblock while the guards stand over them shouting, prodding and kicking.
Second by second, their humiliation is captured on a video camera by one of the guards.
The images of abuse and brutality he records are horrifyingly familiar. These were exactly the kind of pictures from inside Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad that shocked the world this time last year.
And they are similar, too, to the images of brutality against Iraqi prisoners that this week led to the conviction of three British soldiers.
But there is a difference. These prisoners are not caught up in a war zone. They are Americans, and the video comes from inside a prison in Texas
They are just some of the victims of wholesale torture taking place inside the U.S. prison system that we uncovered during a four-month investigation for Channel 4 that will be broadcast next week.
Our findings were not based on rumour or suspicion. They were based on solid evidence, chiefly videotapes that we collected from all over the U.S.
In many American states, prison regulations demand that any ‘use of force operation’, such as searching cells for drugs, must be filmed by a guard.
The theory is that the tapes will show proper procedure was followed and that no excessive force was used. In fact, many of them record the exact opposite.
Each tape provides a shocking insight into the reality of life inside the U.S. prison system – a reality that sits very uncomfortably with President Bush’s commitment to the battle for freedom and democracy against the forces of tyranny and oppression.
In fact, the Texas episode outlined above dates from 1996, when Bush was state Governor.
Frank Carlson was one of the lawyers who fought a compensation battle on behalf of the victims. I asked him about his reaction when the Abu Ghraib scandal broke last year and U.S. politicians rushed to express their astonishment and disgust that such abuses could happen at the hands of American guards.
‘I thought: “What hypocrisy,” Carlson told me. ‘Because they know we do it here every day.’
All the lawyers I spoke to during our investigations shared Carlson’s belief that Abu Ghraib, far from being the work of a few rogue individuals, was simply the export of the worst practices that take place in the domestic prison system all the time. They pointed to the mountain of files stacked on their desks, on the floor, in their office corridors – endless stories of appalling, sadistic treatment inside America’s own prisons.
Many of the tapes we’ve collected are several years old. That’s because they only surface when determined lawyers prise them out of reluctant state prison departments during protracted lawsuits.
But for every ‘historical’ tape we collected, we also found a more recent story. What you see on the tape is still happening daily.
It’s terrible to watch some of the videos and realise that you’re not only seeing torture in action but, in the most extreme cases, you are witnessing young men dying.
In one horrific scene, a naked man, passive and vacant, is seen being led out of his cell by prison guards. They strap him into a medieval-looking device called a ‘restraint chair’. His hands and feet are shackled, there’s a strap across his chest, his head lolls forward. He looks dead. He’s not. Not yet.
The chair is his punishment because guards saw him in his cell with a pillowcase on his head and he refused to take it off. The man has a long history of severe schizophrenia. Sixteen hours later, they release him from the chair. And two hours after that, he dies from a blood clot resulting from his barbaric treatment.
The tape comes from Utah – but there are others from Connecticut, Florida, Texas, Arizona and probably many more. We found more than 20 cases of prisoners who’ve died in the past few years after being held in a restraint chair.
Two of the deaths we investigated were in the same county jail in Phoenix, Arizona, which is run by a man who revels in the title of ‘America’s Toughest Sheriff.’
His name is Joe Arpaio. He positively welcomes TV crews and we were promised ‘unfettered access.’ It was a reassuring turn of phrase – you don’t want to be fettered in one of Sheriff Joe’s jails.
We uncovered two videotapes from surveillance cameras showing how his tough stance can end in tragedy.
The first tape, from 2001, shows a man named Charles Agster dragged in by police, handcuffed at the wrists and ankles. Agster is mentally disturbed and a drug user. He was arrested for causing a disturbance in a late-night grocery store. The police handed him over to the Sheriff’s deputies in the jail. Agster is a tiny man, weighing no more than nine stone, but he’s struggling.
The tape shows nine deputies manhandling him into the restraint chair. One of them kneels on Agster’s stomach, pushing his head forward on to his knees and pulling his arms back to strap his wrists into the chair.
Bending someone double for any length of time is dangerous – the manuals on the use of the 'restraint chair’ warn of the dangers of ‘positional asphyxia.’
Fifteen minutes later, a nurse notices Agster is unconscious. The cameras show frantic efforts to resuscitate him, but he’s already brain dead. He died three days later in hospital. Agster's family is currently suing Arizona County.
His mother, Carol, cried as she told me: ‘If that’s not torture, I don’t know what is.’ Charles’s father, Chuck, listened in silence as we filmed the interview, but every so often he padded out of the room to cry quietly in the kitchen.
The second tape, from five years earlier, shows Scott Norberg dying a similar death in the same jail. He was also a drug user arrested for causing a nuisance. Norberg was severely beaten by the guards, stunned up to 19 times with a Taser gun and forced into the chair where – like Charles Agster – he suffocated.
The county’s insurers paid Norberg’s family more than £4 millions in an out-of-court settlement, but the sheriff was furious with the deal. ‘My officers were clear,’ he said. ‘The insurance firm was afraid to go before a jury.’
Now he’s determined to fight the Agster case all the way through the courts. Yet tonight, in Sheriff Joe’s jail, there’ll probably be someone else strapped into the chair.
Not all the tapes we uncovered were filmed by the guards themselves. Linda Evans smuggled a video camera into a hospital to record her son, Brian. You can barely see his face through all the tubes and all you can hear is the rhythmic sucking of the ventilator.
He was another of Sheriff Joe’s inmates. After an argument with guards, he told a prison doctor they’d beaten him up. Six days later, he was found unconscious of the floor of his cell with a broken neck, broken toes and internal injuries. After a month in a coma, he died from septicaemia.
‘Mr Arpaio is responsible.’ Linda Evans told me, struggling to speak through her tears. ‘He seems to thrive on this cruelty and this mentality that these men are nothing.’
In some of the tapes it’s not just the images, it’s also the sounds that are so unbearable. There’s one tape from Florida which I’ve seen dozens of times but it still catches me in the stomach.
It’s an authorised ‘use of force operation’ – so a guard is videoing what happens. They’re going to Taser a prisoner for refusing orders.
The tape shows a prisoner lying on an examination table in the prison hospital. The guards are instructing him to climb down into a wheelchair. ‘I can’t, I can’t!’ he shouts with increasing desperation. ‘It hurts!’
One guard then jabs him on both hips with a Taser. The man jerks as the electricity hits him and shrieks, but still won’t get into the wheelchair.
The guards grab him and drop him into the chair. As they try to bend his legs up on to the footrest, he screams in pain. The man’s lawyer told me he has a very limited mental capacity. He says he has a back injury and can’t walk or bend his legs without intense pain.
The tape becomes even more harrowing. The guards try to make the prisoner stand up and hold a walking frame. He falls on the floor, crying in agony. They Taser him again. He runs out of the energy and breath to cry and just lies there moaning.
One of the most recent video tapes was filmed in January last year. A surveillance camera in a youth institution in California records an argument between staff members and two ‘wards’ – they’re not called prisoners.
One of the youths hits a staff member in the face. He knocks the ward to the floor then sits astride him punching him over and over again in the head.
Watching the tape you can almost feel each blow. The second youth is also punched and kicked in the head – even after he’s been handcuffed. Other staff just stand around and watch.
We also collected some truly horrific photographs.
A few years ago, in Florida, the new warden of the high security state prison ordered an end to the videoing of ‘use of force operations.’ So we have no tapes to show how prison guards use pepper spray to punish prisoners.
But we do have the lawsuit describing how men were doused in pepper spray and then left to cook in the burning fog of chemicals. Photographs taken by their lawyers show one man has a huge patch of raw skin over his hip. Another is covered in an angry rash across his neck, back and arms. A third has deep burns on his buttocks.
‘They usually use fire extinguishers size canisters of pepper spray,’ lawyer Christopher Jones explained. ‘We have had prisoners who have had second degree burns all over their bodies.
‘The tell-tale sign is they turn off the ventilation fans in the unit. Prisoners report that cardboard is shoved in the crack of the door to make sure it’s really air-tight.’
And why were they sprayed? According to the official prison reports, their infringements included banging on the cell door and refusing medication. From the same Florida prison we also have photographs of Frank Valdes – autopsy pictures. Realistically, he had little chance of ever getting out of prison alive. He was on Death Row for killing a prison officer. He had time to reconcile himself to the Electric Chair – he didn’t expect to be beaten to death.
Valdes started writing to local Florida newspapers to expose the corruption and brutality of prison officers. So a gang of guards stormed into his cell to shut him up. They broke almost every one of his ribs, punctured his lung, smashed his spleen and left him to die.
Several of the guards were later charged with murder, but the trial was held in their own small hometown where almost everyone works for, or has connection with, the five prisons which ring the town. The foreman of the jury was former prison officer. The guards were all acquitted.
Meanwhile, the warden who was in charge of the prison at the time of the killing – the same man who changed the policy on videoing – has been promoted. He’s now the man in charge of all the Florida prisons.
How could anyone excuse – still less condone – such behaviour? The few prison guards who would talk to us have a siege mentality. They see themselves outnumbered, surrounded by dangerous, violent criminals, so they back each other up, no matter what.
I asked one serving officer what happened if colleagues beat up an inmate. ‘We cover up. Because we’re the good guys.’
No one should doubt that the vast majority of U.S. prison officers are decent individuals doing their best in difficult circumstances. But when horrific abuse by the few goes unreported and uninvestigated, it solidifies into a general climate of acceptance among the many.
the same time the overall hardening of attitudes in modern-day America has meant the notion of rehabilitation has been almost lost. The focus is entirely on punishment – even loss of liberty is not seen as punishment enough. Being on the restraint devices and the chemical sprays.
Since we finished filming for the programme in January, I’ve stayed in contact with various prisoners’ rights groups and the families of many of the victims. Every single day come more e-mails full of fresh horror stories. In the past weeks, two more prisoners have died, in Alabama and Ohio. One man was pepper sprayed, the other tasered.
Then, three weeks ago, reports emerged of 20 hours of video material from Guantanamo Bay showing prisoners being stripped, beaten and pepper sprayed. One of those affected is Omar Deghayes, one of the seven British residents still being held there.
His lawyer says Deghayes is now permanently blind in one eye. American military investigators have reviewed the tapes and apparently found ‘no evidence of systematic abuse.’
But then, as one of the prison reformers we met on our journey across the U.S. told me: ‘We’ve become immune to the abuse. The brutality has become customary.’
So far, the U.S. government is refusing to release these Guantanamo tapes. If they are ever made public – or leaked – I suspect the images will be very familiar.
Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo – or even Texas. The prisoners and all guards may vary, but the abuse is still too familiar. And much is it is taking place in America’s own backyard.
The prison guards stand over their captives with electric cattle prods, stun guns, and dogs. Many of the prisoners have been ordered to strip naked. The guards are yelling abuse at them, ordering them to lie on the ground and crawl. ‘Crawl, motherf*****s, crawl.’
If a prisoner doesn’t drop to the ground fast enough, a guard kicks him or stamps on his back. There’s a high-pitched scream from one man as a dog clamps its teeth onto his lower leg.
Another prisoner has a broken ankle. He can’t crawl fast enough so a guard jabs a stun gun onto his buttocks. The jolt of electricity zaps through his naked flesh and genitals. For hours afterwards his whole body shakes.
Lines of men are now slithering across the floor of the cellblock while the guards stand over them shouting, prodding and kicking.
Second by second, their humiliation is captured on a video camera by one of the guards.
The images of abuse and brutality he records are horrifyingly familiar. These were exactly the kind of pictures from inside Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad that shocked the world this time last year.
And they are similar, too, to the images of brutality against Iraqi prisoners that this week led to the conviction of three British soldiers.
But there is a difference. These prisoners are not caught up in a war zone. They are Americans, and the video comes from inside a prison in Texas
They are just some of the victims of wholesale torture taking place inside the U.S. prison system that we uncovered during a four-month investigation for Channel 4 that will be broadcast next week.
Our findings were not based on rumour or suspicion. They were based on solid evidence, chiefly videotapes that we collected from all over the U.S.
In many American states, prison regulations demand that any ‘use of force operation’, such as searching cells for drugs, must be filmed by a guard.
The theory is that the tapes will show proper procedure was followed and that no excessive force was used. In fact, many of them record the exact opposite.
Each tape provides a shocking insight into the reality of life inside the U.S. prison system – a reality that sits very uncomfortably with President Bush’s commitment to the battle for freedom and democracy against the forces of tyranny and oppression.
In fact, the Texas episode outlined above dates from 1996, when Bush was state Governor.
Frank Carlson was one of the lawyers who fought a compensation battle on behalf of the victims. I asked him about his reaction when the Abu Ghraib scandal broke last year and U.S. politicians rushed to express their astonishment and disgust that such abuses could happen at the hands of American guards.
‘I thought: “What hypocrisy,” Carlson told me. ‘Because they know we do it here every day.’
All the lawyers I spoke to during our investigations shared Carlson’s belief that Abu Ghraib, far from being the work of a few rogue individuals, was simply the export of the worst practices that take place in the domestic prison system all the time. They pointed to the mountain of files stacked on their desks, on the floor, in their office corridors – endless stories of appalling, sadistic treatment inside America’s own prisons.
Many of the tapes we’ve collected are several years old. That’s because they only surface when determined lawyers prise them out of reluctant state prison departments during protracted lawsuits.
But for every ‘historical’ tape we collected, we also found a more recent story. What you see on the tape is still happening daily.
It’s terrible to watch some of the videos and realise that you’re not only seeing torture in action but, in the most extreme cases, you are witnessing young men dying.
In one horrific scene, a naked man, passive and vacant, is seen being led out of his cell by prison guards. They strap him into a medieval-looking device called a ‘restraint chair’. His hands and feet are shackled, there’s a strap across his chest, his head lolls forward. He looks dead. He’s not. Not yet.
The chair is his punishment because guards saw him in his cell with a pillowcase on his head and he refused to take it off. The man has a long history of severe schizophrenia. Sixteen hours later, they release him from the chair. And two hours after that, he dies from a blood clot resulting from his barbaric treatment.
The tape comes from Utah – but there are others from Connecticut, Florida, Texas, Arizona and probably many more. We found more than 20 cases of prisoners who’ve died in the past few years after being held in a restraint chair.
Two of the deaths we investigated were in the same county jail in Phoenix, Arizona, which is run by a man who revels in the title of ‘America’s Toughest Sheriff.’
His name is Joe Arpaio. He positively welcomes TV crews and we were promised ‘unfettered access.’ It was a reassuring turn of phrase – you don’t want to be fettered in one of Sheriff Joe’s jails.
We uncovered two videotapes from surveillance cameras showing how his tough stance can end in tragedy.
The first tape, from 2001, shows a man named Charles Agster dragged in by police, handcuffed at the wrists and ankles. Agster is mentally disturbed and a drug user. He was arrested for causing a disturbance in a late-night grocery store. The police handed him over to the Sheriff’s deputies in the jail. Agster is a tiny man, weighing no more than nine stone, but he’s struggling.
The tape shows nine deputies manhandling him into the restraint chair. One of them kneels on Agster’s stomach, pushing his head forward on to his knees and pulling his arms back to strap his wrists into the chair.
Bending someone double for any length of time is dangerous – the manuals on the use of the 'restraint chair’ warn of the dangers of ‘positional asphyxia.’
Fifteen minutes later, a nurse notices Agster is unconscious. The cameras show frantic efforts to resuscitate him, but he’s already brain dead. He died three days later in hospital. Agster's family is currently suing Arizona County.
His mother, Carol, cried as she told me: ‘If that’s not torture, I don’t know what is.’ Charles’s father, Chuck, listened in silence as we filmed the interview, but every so often he padded out of the room to cry quietly in the kitchen.
The second tape, from five years earlier, shows Scott Norberg dying a similar death in the same jail. He was also a drug user arrested for causing a nuisance. Norberg was severely beaten by the guards, stunned up to 19 times with a Taser gun and forced into the chair where – like Charles Agster – he suffocated.
The county’s insurers paid Norberg’s family more than £4 millions in an out-of-court settlement, but the sheriff was furious with the deal. ‘My officers were clear,’ he said. ‘The insurance firm was afraid to go before a jury.’
Now he’s determined to fight the Agster case all the way through the courts. Yet tonight, in Sheriff Joe’s jail, there’ll probably be someone else strapped into the chair.
Not all the tapes we uncovered were filmed by the guards themselves. Linda Evans smuggled a video camera into a hospital to record her son, Brian. You can barely see his face through all the tubes and all you can hear is the rhythmic sucking of the ventilator.
He was another of Sheriff Joe’s inmates. After an argument with guards, he told a prison doctor they’d beaten him up. Six days later, he was found unconscious of the floor of his cell with a broken neck, broken toes and internal injuries. After a month in a coma, he died from septicaemia.
‘Mr Arpaio is responsible.’ Linda Evans told me, struggling to speak through her tears. ‘He seems to thrive on this cruelty and this mentality that these men are nothing.’
In some of the tapes it’s not just the images, it’s also the sounds that are so unbearable. There’s one tape from Florida which I’ve seen dozens of times but it still catches me in the stomach.
It’s an authorised ‘use of force operation’ – so a guard is videoing what happens. They’re going to Taser a prisoner for refusing orders.
The tape shows a prisoner lying on an examination table in the prison hospital. The guards are instructing him to climb down into a wheelchair. ‘I can’t, I can’t!’ he shouts with increasing desperation. ‘It hurts!’
One guard then jabs him on both hips with a Taser. The man jerks as the electricity hits him and shrieks, but still won’t get into the wheelchair.
The guards grab him and drop him into the chair. As they try to bend his legs up on to the footrest, he screams in pain. The man’s lawyer told me he has a very limited mental capacity. He says he has a back injury and can’t walk or bend his legs without intense pain.
The tape becomes even more harrowing. The guards try to make the prisoner stand up and hold a walking frame. He falls on the floor, crying in agony. They Taser him again. He runs out of the energy and breath to cry and just lies there moaning.
One of the most recent video tapes was filmed in January last year. A surveillance camera in a youth institution in California records an argument between staff members and two ‘wards’ – they’re not called prisoners.
One of the youths hits a staff member in the face. He knocks the ward to the floor then sits astride him punching him over and over again in the head.
Watching the tape you can almost feel each blow. The second youth is also punched and kicked in the head – even after he’s been handcuffed. Other staff just stand around and watch.
We also collected some truly horrific photographs.
A few years ago, in Florida, the new warden of the high security state prison ordered an end to the videoing of ‘use of force operations.’ So we have no tapes to show how prison guards use pepper spray to punish prisoners.
But we do have the lawsuit describing how men were doused in pepper spray and then left to cook in the burning fog of chemicals. Photographs taken by their lawyers show one man has a huge patch of raw skin over his hip. Another is covered in an angry rash across his neck, back and arms. A third has deep burns on his buttocks.
‘They usually use fire extinguishers size canisters of pepper spray,’ lawyer Christopher Jones explained. ‘We have had prisoners who have had second degree burns all over their bodies.
‘The tell-tale sign is they turn off the ventilation fans in the unit. Prisoners report that cardboard is shoved in the crack of the door to make sure it’s really air-tight.’
And why were they sprayed? According to the official prison reports, their infringements included banging on the cell door and refusing medication. From the same Florida prison we also have photographs of Frank Valdes – autopsy pictures. Realistically, he had little chance of ever getting out of prison alive. He was on Death Row for killing a prison officer. He had time to reconcile himself to the Electric Chair – he didn’t expect to be beaten to death.
Valdes started writing to local Florida newspapers to expose the corruption and brutality of prison officers. So a gang of guards stormed into his cell to shut him up. They broke almost every one of his ribs, punctured his lung, smashed his spleen and left him to die.
Several of the guards were later charged with murder, but the trial was held in their own small hometown where almost everyone works for, or has connection with, the five prisons which ring the town. The foreman of the jury was former prison officer. The guards were all acquitted.
Meanwhile, the warden who was in charge of the prison at the time of the killing – the same man who changed the policy on videoing – has been promoted. He’s now the man in charge of all the Florida prisons.
How could anyone excuse – still less condone – such behaviour? The few prison guards who would talk to us have a siege mentality. They see themselves outnumbered, surrounded by dangerous, violent criminals, so they back each other up, no matter what.
I asked one serving officer what happened if colleagues beat up an inmate. ‘We cover up. Because we’re the good guys.’
No one should doubt that the vast majority of U.S. prison officers are decent individuals doing their best in difficult circumstances. But when horrific abuse by the few goes unreported and uninvestigated, it solidifies into a general climate of acceptance among the many.
the same time the overall hardening of attitudes in modern-day America has meant the notion of rehabilitation has been almost lost. The focus is entirely on punishment – even loss of liberty is not seen as punishment enough. Being on the restraint devices and the chemical sprays.
Since we finished filming for the programme in January, I’ve stayed in contact with various prisoners’ rights groups and the families of many of the victims. Every single day come more e-mails full of fresh horror stories. In the past weeks, two more prisoners have died, in Alabama and Ohio. One man was pepper sprayed, the other tasered.
Then, three weeks ago, reports emerged of 20 hours of video material from Guantanamo Bay showing prisoners being stripped, beaten and pepper sprayed. One of those affected is Omar Deghayes, one of the seven British residents still being held there.
His lawyer says Deghayes is now permanently blind in one eye. American military investigators have reviewed the tapes and apparently found ‘no evidence of systematic abuse.’
But then, as one of the prison reformers we met on our journey across the U.S. told me: ‘We’ve become immune to the abuse. The brutality has become customary.’
So far, the U.S. government is refusing to release these Guantanamo tapes. If they are ever made public – or leaked – I suspect the images will be very familiar.
Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo – or even Texas. The prisoners and all guards may vary, but the abuse is still too familiar. And much is it is taking place in America’s own backyard.
FAbu Zubaida,FRamzi bin al-Shibh
Destroyed CIA videotapes show the water-boarding of two suspected al-Qaeda leaders at secret CIA interrogations in Thailand during 2002, a US congressional hearing has heard. Thai authorities have long denied the existence of the so-called prison in Thailand _ apparently on the narrow interpretation of the description of the facility.
Thaksin Shinawatra, the prime minister at the time of the interrogations, has always denied that there was any CIA ''base'' or ''prison'' in Thailand. Foreign sources have told the Bangkok Post that the denials were technically correct.
The interrogations _ or torture _ of al-Qaeda suspects were carried out at so-called safe houses on a military base in Thailand, the sources said.
The US Central Investigation Agency didn't reveal the existence of the tapes, nor their destruction, until 2005.
''It smells like a cover-up, but the question is whether it was illegal or not,'' an anonymous source familiar with the House hearing told the Washington Post newspaper, which carried no details of the so-called prison in Thailand.
''The presence of the tapes in Bangkok and the CIA's communications with the station chief there were described by current and former officials,'' it said.
Sources in Thailand have confirmed the following interrogations:
FAbu Zubaida, detained on March 28, 2002, was the first Osama bin Laden henchman captured after the 2001 terrorist attacks on the US. He was wounded in a firefight in Pakistan when he was brought to Thailand, according to well-placed sources. At a warehouse on an airbase, Zubaida reportedly received both treatment for wounds _ and harsh questioning, including being placed in a cold room with ear-splitting, loud music. According to published reports, Zubaida received the so-called water-boarding interrogation, which simulates drowning. The destroyed videotapes reportedly showed that he begged for mercy and began cooperating with interrogators and two American psychologists who participated in the interrogation after 0.31 seconds of water-boarding.
FKhaled Sheikh Mohammed was captured by Pakistani security forces in a gunbattle on Sept 11, 2002, escaped, and was recaptured unhurt in Rawlpindi in 2003. It is believed he was flown almost immediately to Thailand. He was the mastermind of many attacks worldwide including the Sept 11, 2001, airline suicide flights in New York and Washington. He was reportedly interrogated shortly after his arrival in Thailand, and within one or two seconds of water-boarding agreed to cooperate. Since then, Khaled has been described as a fount of information on al-Qaeda and its worldwide operations, including in Southeast Asia where he set up the Abu Sayyaf terrorist group in the Philippines.
FRamzi bin al-Shibh, another 9/11 planner, was captured in Pakistan in the same Karachi raid as Khaled, in a firefight that took place on the first anniversary of the attacks in the US. He was reportedly turned over to Americans, who flew him to an undisclosed location, possibly Thailand. It is not clear whether his interrogation was videotaped.
No prisoners have been brought to Thailand since 2003, when published reports revealed the use of Thailand for the questioning, according to reports.
Hambali, the Jemaah Islamiya operations chief captured in Ayutthaya in August of 2003, was whisked out of Thailand for questioning.
According to the Washington Post story, which detailed the destruction of the video-tapes, but not their content:
''In late 2005, the retiring CIA station chief in Bangkok sent a classified cable to his superiors in Langley asking if he could destroy videotapes recorded at a secret CIA prison in Thailand that in part portrayed intelligence officers using simulated drowning to extract information from suspected al-Qaeda members.
''The tapes had been sitting in the station chief's safe, in the US embassy compound, for nearly three years. Although those involved in the interrogations had pushed for the tapes' destruction in those years and a secret debate about it had twice reached the White House, CIA officials had not acted on those requests. This time was different.
''The CIA had a new director and an acting general counsel, neither of whom sought to block the destruction of the tapes, according to agency officials. The station chief was insistent because he was retiring and wanted to resolve the matter before he left, the officials said. And in November 2005, a published report that detailed a secret CIA prison system provoked an international outcry.
''Those three circumstances pushed the CIA's then-director of clandestine operations, Jose A Rodriguez Jr, to act against the earlier advice of at least five senior CIA and White House officials, who had counselled the agency since 2003 that the tapes should be preserved. Mr Rodriguez consulted CIA lawyers and officials, who told him that he had the legal right to order the destruction. In his view, he received their implicit support to do so, according to his attorney, Robert S Bennett.''
The US House Intelligence Committee criticised the CIA's destruction of videotapes showing the harsh interrogation tactics of detainees at secret prisons, notably the one in Thailand.
Members heard testimony from the CIA's acting general counsel, John Rizzo, in a closed hearing last Wednesday.
The committee chairman, Rep Silvestre Reyes, Democrat-Texas, said he was convinced the CIA skirted its duties to report to congressional oversight members regarding the tapes and their destruction, according to a story in The Washington Post newspaper.
House member Peter Hoekstra said Mr Rizzo testified that the CIA's head of clandestine services, Jose Rodriguez Jr, acted autonomously when he ordered the tapes' destruction in November 2005.
''It appears from what we have seen to date that Rodriguez may not have been following instructions'' Mr Hoekstra said.
Mr Rodriquez did not testify in the hearing, though his lawyer said Mr Rodriquez ordered the destruction of the tapes after CIA lawyers gave their approval, the Post report said.
Thaksin Shinawatra, the prime minister at the time of the interrogations, has always denied that there was any CIA ''base'' or ''prison'' in Thailand. Foreign sources have told the Bangkok Post that the denials were technically correct.
The interrogations _ or torture _ of al-Qaeda suspects were carried out at so-called safe houses on a military base in Thailand, the sources said.
The US Central Investigation Agency didn't reveal the existence of the tapes, nor their destruction, until 2005.
''It smells like a cover-up, but the question is whether it was illegal or not,'' an anonymous source familiar with the House hearing told the Washington Post newspaper, which carried no details of the so-called prison in Thailand.
''The presence of the tapes in Bangkok and the CIA's communications with the station chief there were described by current and former officials,'' it said.
Sources in Thailand have confirmed the following interrogations:
FAbu Zubaida, detained on March 28, 2002, was the first Osama bin Laden henchman captured after the 2001 terrorist attacks on the US. He was wounded in a firefight in Pakistan when he was brought to Thailand, according to well-placed sources. At a warehouse on an airbase, Zubaida reportedly received both treatment for wounds _ and harsh questioning, including being placed in a cold room with ear-splitting, loud music. According to published reports, Zubaida received the so-called water-boarding interrogation, which simulates drowning. The destroyed videotapes reportedly showed that he begged for mercy and began cooperating with interrogators and two American psychologists who participated in the interrogation after 0.31 seconds of water-boarding.
FKhaled Sheikh Mohammed was captured by Pakistani security forces in a gunbattle on Sept 11, 2002, escaped, and was recaptured unhurt in Rawlpindi in 2003. It is believed he was flown almost immediately to Thailand. He was the mastermind of many attacks worldwide including the Sept 11, 2001, airline suicide flights in New York and Washington. He was reportedly interrogated shortly after his arrival in Thailand, and within one or two seconds of water-boarding agreed to cooperate. Since then, Khaled has been described as a fount of information on al-Qaeda and its worldwide operations, including in Southeast Asia where he set up the Abu Sayyaf terrorist group in the Philippines.
FRamzi bin al-Shibh, another 9/11 planner, was captured in Pakistan in the same Karachi raid as Khaled, in a firefight that took place on the first anniversary of the attacks in the US. He was reportedly turned over to Americans, who flew him to an undisclosed location, possibly Thailand. It is not clear whether his interrogation was videotaped.
No prisoners have been brought to Thailand since 2003, when published reports revealed the use of Thailand for the questioning, according to reports.
Hambali, the Jemaah Islamiya operations chief captured in Ayutthaya in August of 2003, was whisked out of Thailand for questioning.
According to the Washington Post story, which detailed the destruction of the video-tapes, but not their content:
''In late 2005, the retiring CIA station chief in Bangkok sent a classified cable to his superiors in Langley asking if he could destroy videotapes recorded at a secret CIA prison in Thailand that in part portrayed intelligence officers using simulated drowning to extract information from suspected al-Qaeda members.
''The tapes had been sitting in the station chief's safe, in the US embassy compound, for nearly three years. Although those involved in the interrogations had pushed for the tapes' destruction in those years and a secret debate about it had twice reached the White House, CIA officials had not acted on those requests. This time was different.
''The CIA had a new director and an acting general counsel, neither of whom sought to block the destruction of the tapes, according to agency officials. The station chief was insistent because he was retiring and wanted to resolve the matter before he left, the officials said. And in November 2005, a published report that detailed a secret CIA prison system provoked an international outcry.
''Those three circumstances pushed the CIA's then-director of clandestine operations, Jose A Rodriguez Jr, to act against the earlier advice of at least five senior CIA and White House officials, who had counselled the agency since 2003 that the tapes should be preserved. Mr Rodriguez consulted CIA lawyers and officials, who told him that he had the legal right to order the destruction. In his view, he received their implicit support to do so, according to his attorney, Robert S Bennett.''
The US House Intelligence Committee criticised the CIA's destruction of videotapes showing the harsh interrogation tactics of detainees at secret prisons, notably the one in Thailand.
Members heard testimony from the CIA's acting general counsel, John Rizzo, in a closed hearing last Wednesday.
The committee chairman, Rep Silvestre Reyes, Democrat-Texas, said he was convinced the CIA skirted its duties to report to congressional oversight members regarding the tapes and their destruction, according to a story in The Washington Post newspaper.
House member Peter Hoekstra said Mr Rizzo testified that the CIA's head of clandestine services, Jose Rodriguez Jr, acted autonomously when he ordered the tapes' destruction in November 2005.
''It appears from what we have seen to date that Rodriguez may not have been following instructions'' Mr Hoekstra said.
Mr Rodriquez did not testify in the hearing, though his lawyer said Mr Rodriquez ordered the destruction of the tapes after CIA lawyers gave their approval, the Post report said.
Frank Enwonwu
Frank Enwonwu got caught smuggling five ounces of heroin into the United States from his homeland in Nigeria. He admitted his mistake and readily agreed to work as an informant, believing the U.S. had promised to keep him safe.
He went on to pursue his share of the American dream, driving a cab and training as a nurse's aide — until a change in law in 1996 retroactively made him liable to be deported for his drug conviction, despite his work to help the government.
Now, he weeps in a room at a homeless shelter he shares with his 13-year-old son, fearful that any day he could be sent back to Nigeria to be tortured or killed as drug dealers with long memories seek retribution for his work as an informant.
"Trust me, no one there has forgotten what I did — even after 22 years. I'll be killed there before I even have the ability to see daylight," he said.
Enwonwu, 58, has spent about five of the last 11 years in detention while fighting his deportation order. His legal appeals all but exhausted, he now is asking to be spared on humanitarian grounds.
"I have a little boy who did not grow up with me because of all the time I have spent in detention. He needs me," said Enwonwu, who is separated from his wife and has custody of the teen.
Enwonwu is under a final deportation order and could be taken into custody and deported without notice.
"This is a man who assisted the United States government as an informant, helping them prosecute drug-related crimes, and in so doing, he has put his life at complete risk. We believe that creates an obligation on the part of the United States to protect him," said Meetali Jain, an attorney at the American University Washington College of Law International Human Rights Law Clinic.
Enwonwu admits he committed a crime when he brought drugs into the United States, but claims he was tricked by a Nigerian military officer who offered to buy him a plane ticket if he would show the man around Boston, where he had attended Tufts University in the 1970s.
The night of their flight, Enwonwu said, other military officers ordered him to carry two packets of heroin. He was arrested at Boston's Logan International Airport after Customs officials found the drug.
Within hours of his arrest, Enwonwu said, federal drug agents asked him to participate in a sting to catch the dealers who were to come to Boston from New York to pick up the heroin. Enwonwu agreed, and two men were arrested. Their boss in Ohio was also prosecuted. All three were from Nigeria.
In the mid-1980s, Nigeria had become a major transit point for Asian heroin and South American cocaine being smuggled to Europe and North America. The transit networks expanded and became highly organized, prompting U.S. pressure on Nigerian authorities to crack down on the trade, which Nigerian police say frequently involves gang killings.
Enwonwu worked for the Drug Enforcement Administration for 10 months, providing the names of suspected drug dealers in Nigeria who U.S. officials believed were running drugs to the United States themselves or through couriers. He also supplied the names of Nigerians living in the United States who he had learned were involved with drugs.
Enwonwu said the DEA promised him he would not be deported and would be protected from the drug dealers he had ratted on.
"They knew how dangerous the drug lords in Nigeria were and they told me I wasn't going back to Nigeria," Enwonwu said. "Based on that promise, I continued my cooperation with them."
The DEA acknowledges it paid him $1,600 for his work as an informant, but Herbert Lemon Jr., the DEA agent who Enwonwu claims made the promises, said he never told Enwonwu he would not be deported.
"Absolutely not. I (didn't) have the authority to do it," Lemon, who is now retired from the DEA, told The Associated Press. "That just didn't happen."
Lemon said he did tell federal prosecutors that Enwonwu had cooperated, which the agent believes spared Enwonwu from serving jail time. He got a suspended sentence and probation on the heroin charge.
"I think that's the benefit he received for his helping the government," Lemon said.
Lemon said he feels badly for Enwonwu's wife and son who may be left behind in the United States, but said he does not fault the U.S. government for now moving to deport Enwonwu.
"He committed a criminal act, and as such, he has to face the consequences," he said.
Enwonwu came close to being spared deportation in 2005, when U.S. District Judge William Young found the government had a "constitutional duty" to protect Enwonwu.
"The Constitution simply cannot permit (the government) to endanger the life of an alien, promise to protect him, and then cast him aside like refuse when he is no longer useful," Young wrote.
However, Young was unable to issue a ruling in the case because a federal law, the REAL ID Act, made it more difficult for immigrants to get amnesty and also stripped federal district courts of jurisdiction in deportation cases.
Since that ruling, repeated efforts to have Enwonwu's deportation order reversed by a federal appeals court have failed.
Enwonwu claims that while working for the DEA, he also worked as an informant for the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the predecessor agency to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Paula Grenier, a spokeswoman for ICE, declined to comment on Enwonwu's appeal or his claim that he worked for ICE.
He went on to pursue his share of the American dream, driving a cab and training as a nurse's aide — until a change in law in 1996 retroactively made him liable to be deported for his drug conviction, despite his work to help the government.
Now, he weeps in a room at a homeless shelter he shares with his 13-year-old son, fearful that any day he could be sent back to Nigeria to be tortured or killed as drug dealers with long memories seek retribution for his work as an informant.
"Trust me, no one there has forgotten what I did — even after 22 years. I'll be killed there before I even have the ability to see daylight," he said.
Enwonwu, 58, has spent about five of the last 11 years in detention while fighting his deportation order. His legal appeals all but exhausted, he now is asking to be spared on humanitarian grounds.
"I have a little boy who did not grow up with me because of all the time I have spent in detention. He needs me," said Enwonwu, who is separated from his wife and has custody of the teen.
Enwonwu is under a final deportation order and could be taken into custody and deported without notice.
"This is a man who assisted the United States government as an informant, helping them prosecute drug-related crimes, and in so doing, he has put his life at complete risk. We believe that creates an obligation on the part of the United States to protect him," said Meetali Jain, an attorney at the American University Washington College of Law International Human Rights Law Clinic.
Enwonwu admits he committed a crime when he brought drugs into the United States, but claims he was tricked by a Nigerian military officer who offered to buy him a plane ticket if he would show the man around Boston, where he had attended Tufts University in the 1970s.
The night of their flight, Enwonwu said, other military officers ordered him to carry two packets of heroin. He was arrested at Boston's Logan International Airport after Customs officials found the drug.
Within hours of his arrest, Enwonwu said, federal drug agents asked him to participate in a sting to catch the dealers who were to come to Boston from New York to pick up the heroin. Enwonwu agreed, and two men were arrested. Their boss in Ohio was also prosecuted. All three were from Nigeria.
In the mid-1980s, Nigeria had become a major transit point for Asian heroin and South American cocaine being smuggled to Europe and North America. The transit networks expanded and became highly organized, prompting U.S. pressure on Nigerian authorities to crack down on the trade, which Nigerian police say frequently involves gang killings.
Enwonwu worked for the Drug Enforcement Administration for 10 months, providing the names of suspected drug dealers in Nigeria who U.S. officials believed were running drugs to the United States themselves or through couriers. He also supplied the names of Nigerians living in the United States who he had learned were involved with drugs.
Enwonwu said the DEA promised him he would not be deported and would be protected from the drug dealers he had ratted on.
"They knew how dangerous the drug lords in Nigeria were and they told me I wasn't going back to Nigeria," Enwonwu said. "Based on that promise, I continued my cooperation with them."
The DEA acknowledges it paid him $1,600 for his work as an informant, but Herbert Lemon Jr., the DEA agent who Enwonwu claims made the promises, said he never told Enwonwu he would not be deported.
"Absolutely not. I (didn't) have the authority to do it," Lemon, who is now retired from the DEA, told The Associated Press. "That just didn't happen."
Lemon said he did tell federal prosecutors that Enwonwu had cooperated, which the agent believes spared Enwonwu from serving jail time. He got a suspended sentence and probation on the heroin charge.
"I think that's the benefit he received for his helping the government," Lemon said.
Lemon said he feels badly for Enwonwu's wife and son who may be left behind in the United States, but said he does not fault the U.S. government for now moving to deport Enwonwu.
"He committed a criminal act, and as such, he has to face the consequences," he said.
Enwonwu came close to being spared deportation in 2005, when U.S. District Judge William Young found the government had a "constitutional duty" to protect Enwonwu.
"The Constitution simply cannot permit (the government) to endanger the life of an alien, promise to protect him, and then cast him aside like refuse when he is no longer useful," Young wrote.
However, Young was unable to issue a ruling in the case because a federal law, the REAL ID Act, made it more difficult for immigrants to get amnesty and also stripped federal district courts of jurisdiction in deportation cases.
Since that ruling, repeated efforts to have Enwonwu's deportation order reversed by a federal appeals court have failed.
Enwonwu claims that while working for the DEA, he also worked as an informant for the Immigration and Naturalization Service, the predecessor agency to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Paula Grenier, a spokeswoman for ICE, declined to comment on Enwonwu's appeal or his claim that he worked for ICE.
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